Modi’s Project Patel
- The Narendra Modi government’s decision to commemorate Vallabhbhai Patel’s birth anniversary is to ensure a pride of place for him.
- After BJP’s emergence with the Ram Janmabhoomi agitation, the notion of Patel evolved into an aspiration for its leaders.
- The first attempt to create a Patel reincarnate was by bestowing LK Advani with the moniker of Chhota Sardar.
- Modi’s ‘Project Patel’ has roots in the Sangh Parivar discounting that differences between Patel and Nehru were programmatic and not ideological.
- Usurping nationalist icons, at odds with Congress historiography, has been a constant element since May 2014 and even before.
- It is time for Modi to look at other nationalist icons even if they cause political discomfort.
Gujarat and its people had a love for Sardar Patel. And there was a feeling that he did not get his due. Even as children we felt that way. Sardar Patel, why didn’t he become prime minister? That was a common sentiment.Narendra Modi
This admission made by Prime Minister Narendra Modi to me in 2012 explains why the government augmented its plan to ideologically appropriate Sardar Vallabbhai Patel’s legacy.
The decision to commemorate the birth anniversary of India’s first deputy prime minster and home minister on a bigger scale by expanding Rashtriya Ekta Divas into a week-long Rashtriya Ekta Saptah from 31 October to 6 November is an attempt to ensure a pride of place for Patel. However, this move cannot be seen in isolation.
Instead, it must be seen as a part of the Sangh Parivar’s attempt to project a falsified idea of Patel as an alternate to the Nehruvian worldview.
Building on a sub-national grouse that took root in Gujarat from the 1950s onwards, as Modi stated, this drive was aided by the Congress’ neglect of several iconic leaders of the national movement, including Patel.
When the RSS or its political outfits only had marginal political clout, Patel’s legacy was used primarily to undermine Jawaharlal Nehru and project him as an usurper. However, after the BJP’s emergence on the political centre stage with the Ram Janmabhoomi agitation, the notion of Patel evolved into an aspiration for its leaders.
Advani as Chhota Sardar
The first attempt to create a Patel reincarnate was by bestowing LK Advani with the moniker of Chhota Sardar, although it has not been stated so far. Modi’s repeated assertion in past years that, while he was not chastised when he spearheaded the construction of Mahatma Mandir in Gandhinagar, he was attacked for attempts to ensure honourable space for Patel in India’s iconography, suggests that the objective is to fashion himself as the primary custodian of the Iron Man’s legacy. If everything goes as per the plan, his goal is to be remembered in history as Asli Sardar.
Patel as State-Maker
Patel is presented as the maker of the Indian State because he spearheaded the integration of 565 princely states. His other significant contributions — be it as a peasant leader during the freedom struggle, the decision to ban the RSS after Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination before rescinding the proscription on it, or insistence on a well-spelt out Constitution — are ignored by the Sangh Parivar while foisting the idea of Patel on the country.
The State-maker’s image is handy for Modi because it allows for his projection as a modern-day Patel by presenting himself as the first-ever PM pursuing strategic offensives against Pakistan. A tacit support to the ‘boycott Chinese products’ campaign and the pursuit of muscular diplomacy, though at questionable diplomatic costs, also aids in fashioning Modi’s image as the new generation State-maker.
Selective Reinvention
The selective reinvention of Patel — recalling only his role in the integration of princely states — must be seen in conjunction with Modi’s statements championing issues of rights violation in Balochistan, Gilgit-Baltistan, and Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK). He can be projected as ‘Asli Sardar’ for accomplishing Patel’s ‘unfinished agenda’.
While deciding whether the title is appropriate or not will be vested on the judgement of future historians and commentators, political logic dictates that the pursuit of this objective will yield electoral dividends in the short run even if the objective is not realised eventually.
Patel vs Nehru
Modi’s ‘Project Patel’ has roots in the Sangh Parivar discounting the fact that differences between Patel and Nehru were programmatic and not ideological. Patel did not disagree with the Nehruvian path of nation-making, though they differed on the process of State-making which was also the former’s administrative charge.
The two were a perfect foil for each other. But, as in most inter-personal relations, ties between them were complex. They were affable towards each other but the association also had its share of pettiness. Though Nehru faltered by often holding onto trivialities after Patel’s passing, he was as much a ‘homemaker’ of independent India as Sardar was.
Modi as an Outsider
Modi was drawn to the idea of Patel because he too was outside the entrenched political elite. From the point of view of social origin, the ‘outsider’ tag claimed by Modi during the 2014 electoral campaign was originally Patel’s and several others’ who joined the freedom struggle, but were not part of the social elite.
In a country where direct linkage with the national movement is essential, Modi was handicapped by the poverty of nationalist heroes in his political clan. Consequently, usurping nationalist icons — at odds with mainstream Congress historiography — has been a constant element since May 2014 and even before. It is worthwhile to frame the eventually inconsequential melodrama over the Netaji files in this context.
Self-Limiting Endeavour
It would, however, be self-limiting for Modi if he gets trapped in the pursuit to be the next Sardar. Patel’s image crafted by the RSS clan is useful to undermine Nehruvianism, but not to build an alternate to it because this idea of Patel has no solutions to offer for vexing post-independence conflicts that India has grappled with.
Modi must put his grievance with regard to Nehru not allowing Patel his due to rest. Patel at times used coercion as policy to secure accession to the Indian Union. That approach has been domestically pursued since May 2014 but its continued use will cause social conflict and will prevent Modi from pursuing his objective.
Patel has undeniably been elevated and given his rightful space in Indian iconography but it is time for Modi to look at other nationalist icons even if they cause political discomfort.
(The writer is an author and journalist based in Delhi. His most recent books are ‘Sikhs: The Untold Agony of 1984’ and ‘Narendra Modi: The Man, The Times’. He can be reached @NilanjanUdwin. This is an opinion piece and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same.)