Coalitions are Collaborations
In the run up to the Assembly Elections, Former Union Finance Minister P Chidambaram writes in emphatic defence of coalition governments.
In his column for The Indian Express, Chidambaram points out that coalition governments enable greater political inclusion for communities that would otherwise be left out. He casts a retrospective glance on the history of prominent political organisations and explains how initially they were founded on the basis of “an idea or an ideology”, but often did not go on to provide enough room to Muslims or Dalits. Some outrightly shunned the minority communities, while others resorted to mere tokenism.
Thus, Chidambaram argues that the birth of coalition governments was a consequence of Muslims, Dalits and other excluded sections realising that they ought to form separate parties to defend and advance their interest. And, as per, P Chidambaram, it helped.
He goes on to remind the reader that Vajpayee’s and Manmohan Singh’s governments were coalitions and therefore, it is best not to damn electoral alliances.
“Given a number of exclusive parties, coalitions have shown the way for more inclusive politics. In the current elections, Muslim- and Dalit-founded parties have found space for themselves in coalitions in Assam, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. I think that is good. If these parties contested alone, they would find it difficult to enter legislative bodies and be forced to remain by-standers and agitators. It is better that they enter Parliament and state Legislatures and participate in the governance of the country and the states.”
Politicians are Not Gods
In her column for The Indian Express, Tavleen Singh argues that if Prime Minister Narendra Modi wants to be respected as the leader of the world’s largest democracy, he ought to rid himself of those who compare him to Gods.
She condemns a recent statement made by Uttarakhand Chief Minister Tirat Singh Rawat - one made even before his public derision of ripped jeans - in which he dubbed PM Modi a potential Hindu God, as “sickeningly sycophantic”. Lauding PM Modi for India’s COVID-19 management despite relatively dismal medical resources, and Finance Ministry’s undeterred privatisation bid, Tavleen Singh writes:
“This is why it is so puzzling that he (PM Modi) allows his ministers and chief ministers to behave like a bunch of mincing minions.”
Singh also states that while other world leaders with “a taste for servility and sycophants” exist, none of them are perceived as “statesmen or leaders of proud democracies”.
“So why is he (PM Modi) allowing his ministers and chief ministers to behave like minions? Why does he allow his army of vicious, vindictive trolls on social media to screech abuse at anyone who dares criticise one of his policies? Modi’s recent exercise in vaccine diplomacy is proof that he cares dearly about his image in the eyes of the world. He wants to be seen as a mighty democratic leader, as a statesman, so why has he not noticed that if he allows himself to be surrounded by snivelling sycophants, this is something he will never achieve?”
Partly Free? History Shows Indian Voters Don’t Care Much About Democratic Rights
Journalist Sagrika Ghose, in her article for The Times of India, draws attention to the fact that India has been down-ranked to a ‘partly free’ country by the Freedom House and voices a pertinent concern: Do Indians really care about our falling democracy index?
Ghose reminds the reader that Indian voters do not usually punish political parties parties for violating democratic rights. This, she argues, was exemplified when BJP won 2016’s Uttar Pradesh assembly elections right after demonetisation and 2020’s Bihar polls soon after the mass exodus of migrant workers triggered by a sudden lockdown; and former PM Indira Gandhi retained her popularity in South India, even in the aftermath of the Emergency.
Ghose, in her article, concedes that “many enlightened citizens no doubt are showing an acute awareness of their rights, as seen in massive anti-CAA and farmers’ protests”, but also points out, that there is “generally little understanding of what constitutionally guaranteed freedom and liberty mean and why they’re worth fighting for.”
Her suggestion? For starters, India’s Constitution should be made a mandatory aspect of every school syllabus across the country and be taught in every language in all schools. This would help Indians understand the importance of democracy and democratic institutions, and keep us from slipping further down to an “elected autocracy”.
“India has always liked to wear its democratic credentials on its sleeve, yet as a people we have little appetite to force governments to be transparent to voters. Issues like how non-transparent electoral bonds are funding elections or how taxpayer money is being utilised in the PM Cares Fund doesn’t seem to concern anybody beyond transparency activists. Just as we have become dully habituated to India’s low human development index, we’re accustomed to a low democracy index.”
Why Quad Alliance is a Turning Point for India-China Ties
The Times of India’s political editor Rajeev Deshpande, argues in an article, that the recently concluded Quad summit indicates a “fundamental shift in India’s response to China’s border aggressions”.
He attributes China’s military activity on the Tibetan plateau to Chinese President Xi Jinping - “such military moves can hardly be ascribed to regional commanders”- and writes that that India was committed to going toe-to-toe with a militarily and economically superior opponent.
Further, as per Deshpande, PM Modi’s participation in the Quad summit and reports discussions about the LAC and Chinese activity in the pacific with other Quad leaders ought to have been “galling” for Beijing.
“India’s new bottom line seems clear enough: no business as usual if borders remain volatile,” Deshpande writes.
He hails the Quad alliance as one that showcases a unity of purpose and shared values that respect the rule of law.
“India’s commitment to the Quad was clearly accelerated by Chinese actions and the significance of the decision can be weighed by the fact that the Prime Minister joined the summit even as the Ladakh disengagement remains incomplete. China’s attempts to extract an Indian commitment to restore bilateral ties as the pullback progresses do not seem to have worked. Rather, Modi’s participation in the summit and reports that Quad leaders discussed the LAC situation along with Chinese actions in the east Pacific must be galling for Beijing.”
Mr Gogoi, A Few Ideas on How to Speed Up Justice
In his piece for Times of India, SA Iyer, consulting editor with the paper, sheds light on glaring statistics indicative of how frequently justice is delayed in India.
He quotes former Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi’s recent criticism of the Indian Judicial system: “If you go to court, you don’t get a verdict, all you do is wash your dirty linen,” but also asks him what did he do to change this “outrageous system” when in office.
Iyer, thereby, goes on to offer a slew of suggestions to help the Courts clear their backlogs, and dole out justice in an expeditious manner. These include bringing in more judges, rewarding speedy disposal and refraining from adjournments and absenteeism with promotion, and even experimenting with Artificial Intelligence.
“The 2019 Economic Survey emphasised that judicial speed was needed not just for justice but enforcement of contracts, without which a market system cannot flourish. It estimated that adding just 2,279 judges in the lower courts, 93 in high courts and one in the Supreme Court would suffice for a 100% case clearance rate. Has this been done? Alas no.”
Positive Paradox
In his piece for The Telegraph, political columnist Asim Ali, delves into the “interesting paradox of an unprecedented acceptance of autonomous Muslim political parties at the height of the Hindutva dominance of India” and ponders over the driving forces of the diverse Muslim political parties of India.
Further, he analyses three distinct strands of Muslim politics, which, as per him, are: represented by the mainstream communitarian party; represented by the isolationist identity-based party; and represented by a new class of political parties which have emerged against the backdrop of the Sachar Committee report.
Ali welcomes the emergence and acceptance of Muslim parties in India, and writes: “The newly-found acceptance of autonomous Muslim parties within an enlarged (and more nuanced) secular framework is thus a welcome signal of the maturing of our secular imagination.”
“The argument between secular and Muslim parties on the matter of who constitutes the true representatives of Muslim citizens has been encoded in the very foundation of our Republic. After all, the genesis of the Partition lay in the unrelenting refusal of the Congress to legitimize an increasingly separatist Muslim League as the voice and protector of the Muslims of British India. The Congress, notwithstanding its overwhelmingly Hindu leadership, never conceded on its cherished ideological principle of representing Indians of all religions and ethnicities. The newly-found acceptance of autonomous Muslim parties within an enlarged (and more nuanced) secular framework is thus a welcome signal of the maturing of our secular imagination. It couldn’t have come at a more urgent time.”
Lifting the Morale of Citizens is Key to Economic Recovery
In his article for Hindustan Times, Raghu Raman, Founding CEO of NATGRID, points out that the mental health of the citizen has deep consequence on the economy of the country and that good morale and sense of hope is reflected in the Gross Domestic Product.
Thus, Raghu Raman argues that, while India has handled the battle against COVID-19 pandemic; a daunting mental health challenge, triggered by the pandemic, rages on, and must be checked.
Further, Raman laments that the understanding of the subject is rudimentary, mostly comprising of “band-aids” such as yoga, a few counselling sessions or company-sponsored offsites. That, the author argues, is “about as useful as giving an aspirin to an acute heart patient.”
But the government, corporates, as well as pharmaceutical companies are all stakeholders in mental health and therefore, the crisis presents a unique opportunity for all stakeholders to provide preventive interventions.
“More Indians, especially the young, will be affected by mental health than any other disease. This is an opportunity for all three stakeholders — for the government to amend CSR rules to channel more resources to mental health; for conglomerates to invest and occupy this mindspace; and for the Indian pharma industry to take a global lead in the domain of preventive interventions.”
Let it Rip! Stop Us Turning Into The Republic of Hurt
Pavan Varma, in his column for the Deccan Chronicle, argues that India is swiftly turning into a “republic of hurt”.
Varma illustrates what he means by the term, by writing about how Uttarakhand Chief Minister was perturbed by “ripped jeans”, how web-show Tandav attracted ire, how some people were hurt by a Muslim boy kissing a Hindu girl with a temple in the background in a Netflix show, and how the government is attempting to control social media and OTT platforms with new guidelines.
“A highly unwarranted subjectivity driven by medieval cultural notions and political hubris is seriously threatening creative freedoms in India”, laments Pavan Varma.
“We are fast becoming the Republic of Hurt. Some people were hurt by a Muslim boy kissing a Hindu girl with a temple in the background in the Netflix adaptation of A Suitable Boy. The iconic Marathi playwright, Vijay Tendulkar, recently faced a posthumous storm of protest because his play, Jaat hi Poocho Sadhu ki, used the Hindu word “sadhu”, and thus hurt Hindu religious sentiments. The fact is the play is not about faith at all, but about the ills of casteism. But obviously, the Bajrang Dal, which raised objections, does not read beyond the title of the plays they want banned. In any case, it succeeded.”
The Midas Touch
Gopalkrishna Gandhi, in his article for The Telegraph, writes fondly about Bengal and its unbending spine.
He reiterates questions heard often in the run-up to the Assembly Elections in the state: “What is happening to Bengal? Who would have thought…?”
But, Gandhi, also goes on to point out, through the course, of the article, drawing inspiration and illustrations from Bengal’s rich political history, from the struggles of the agrarian society, from the provinces evils and how it overcame them, from Gandhi’s secular strife and from Tagore’s influence, that paribartan cannot break Bengal.
“Bengal alters that which seeks to alter Bengal”, argues Gopalkrishna Gandhi.
“Somnath Hore, the great sculptor, has made an amazing bronze ‘head’ of Tagore. I was working at The Nehru Centre in London in 1995 when Jyoti Basu, the then chief minister of West Bengal and then minister for culture, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, graciously sent it for permanent display there. When I opened the consignment, it seemed to me to be a confusing tangle of scrap. But seeing it a little later, from a certain distance, it stunned me. Tagore was looking at me, in the perfection of his indefinable intensity and calm, his hollowed eyes showing pain and an understanding and an overcoming of that pain. It was the truest Tagore head made in the foundry of art, of Bengal, of conscience, the everlasting a b c.”
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