Bhagwaan bhi aa jaayein, to nahi rok payenge
That’s how Durga Prasad Yadav, a minister in Akhilesh Yadav’s cabinet defended his government’s failings in enforcing the law. Lawlessness in Uttar Pradesh (UP) is not a mere reflection of criminal activity. It relates to the absence of the rule of law and lack of security for life, dignity and property.
But what is it about UP that makes it so?
“Jungle Raj”, “Complete Lawlessness” and “Rule of the Gun” are some stereotypical lines that flash on your TV screens every time a violent crime is reported in Uttar Pradesh. Be it the two rape victims who were shot dead in two separate incidents, or the journalist who was burnt alive, or the celebratory firing by a politician – crime reporting from UP follows a familiar template.
What Does the Data Say?
The National Crime Records Bureau’s data for 2014 says Uttar Pradesh accounts for the highest percentage of crimes committed in India. At 12.7%, UP is more notorious than Bihar (10.4%), Maharashtra (9.8%), and Delhi (5.7%).
But the rate of violent crimes in the state, at 19.7%, is below the national average of 25.5%. It is this statistic that the Akhilesh Yadav government uses to defend its ineptitude in enforcing law and order.
The UP Chief Minister makes a valid point when he says that India’s largest state, with a burgeoning population, more in number than that of Pakistan (19.98 crore says the 2011 census, 21 crore in 2015 say estimates), is difficult to police.
Is there a Shortage of Men in Khaki?
An Economic Times report claims that Uttar Pradesh Police has only 1.8 lakh personnel with outdated resources, obsolete hardware, stretched over a massive 2.5 lakh square kilometres. It leaves large swathes of land and population vulnerable.
A senior television journalist, who camped in Badaun for a fortnight to report the rape and murder of two sisters, recalls the nearest police station being almost 15 kilometres away, and the nearest district headquarters 62 kilometres away.
How Do Caste-Based Promotions Affect the Force?
Yes, the village in which the Badaun girls lived and died in, did have police outposts. But far from taking action, the ‘chowki-in-charge Ram Vilas Yadav, constables Sarvesh Yadav and Chhatrapal Yadav, were suspended for shielding the main accused who hung the girls’ bodies from a tree.
The allegation that the cops were protecting the accused comes as no surprise in a state where police postings and promotions are determined by caste and political will.
Speaking to The Quint, a senior police officer posted in UP, who did not wish to be identified, says frustration and non-compliance creeps into the attitude of deserving cops who don’t get their due simply because they’re not Yadav or Muslim.
Sadda Haq
So if a Yadav is accused of a crime in an area where a Yadav is the SHO or the SP, he’s seen to be walking into a safe-house, not a police station. Caste-based postings and promotions are an unwritten rule. Police personnel who vote their favoured party to power believe it is their ‘haq’ (their right) to get precedence over others.
Arbitrary Transfers
While this favouritism is more rampant at the district level, even top level police officers are reduced to political pawns, according to the senior police officer.
In the last two years, five Director Generals have been transferred. In other states, the DG holds his position for 2-3 years and this brings stability. In UP, a DG cannot expect to remain in the post for more than 2-3 months, so there is the lack of pro-activity.— Serving senior police officer in Uttar Pradesh
This holds true for the tenure of Superintendents, and Inspector Generals as well.
Communal Riots
Uttar Pradesh topped the list of the most communally charged states in 2013. Of the 823 incidents reported, 247 took place in UP in which 77 people were killed and 2,269 injured. With 88 incidents of communal riots, Maharashtra ranks a distant, yet equally shameful, second.
It is a fact that communal politics have cut through the otherwise impenetrable caste equations in UP. The polarisation, post the 2013 Muzaffarnagar riots, was significant in helping BJP re-establish itself (71/80 Lok Sabha seats) in the state. In the riots, political leaders from across political and communal lines were caught on camera delivering hate speeches.
Journalists on ground warn that with the 2017 Assembly elections approaching, the state may well become a communal tinderbox yet again.
A ‘Lenient’ Judiciary?
The men who allegedly raped and ordered the killing of their victims in Mau and Sitapur, were both out on bail. While this may be seen as an isolated case, the local courts in Uttar Pradesh are considered more lenient than others. Another reason why bails are easily secured in UP is the lack of follow-ups in investigation. When a case does not get investigated by the police, the accused cite delay and are able to get away.
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