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Sunday View: The Best Weekend Op-Eds, Curated Just For You

Here are the best opinion pieces from the Sunday morning papers, curated just for you.

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India
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25 Years On, the Good, Bad and Ugly of Reforms

Swaminathan Aiyar, in his column, holds fort on all that he thinks encapsulates the “good, the bad and the ugly” of Indian economic reforms in the past 25 years. While the private sector has seen immense vibrancy, it is not enough, he argues, to tide over government failure and eroding institutions; independent institutions, Aiyar believes, are the way to go. Having said that, Aiyar remains optimistic about India’s future as he reminisces on the sudden boom in 1991 that no one had expected.

In 1991, many analysts warned that opening up the economy would mean industrial domination by multinational corporations, with Indian companies going bust or becoming mere suppliers to the MNCs. In fact Indian companies blossomed as never before, and hundreds of them became multinationals themselves. These included world-class players in software, small cars, auto components and pharmaceuticals. India failed in labour-intensive industries but blossomed in brain-intensive industries and services, and that’s where the future lies.
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Across the Aisle: Kashmir is More Than Land, It Is People

P Chidambaram, in his Sunday column, attempts to make sense of the very complicated Kashmir situation by attributing it to a simple case of wrong ‘definitions’. The problem lies, he believes, in the majority believing that ‘Kashmir’ is a land, and that’s how its issues must be addressed. But there is another section of people who look at Kashmir through its ‘people’ - all seven million of them. The latter acknowledge that Kashmir acceded to India (two months after the country’s independence in 1947), but remember the unique circumstances in which it acceded.

For many years — and even now — governments in Delhi have taken a myopic view that the problem concerns the land (called Kashmir) and hence the land must be defended at all costs. Anything that appears to question the Indian government’s sovereignty over the land would not be tolerated... That is a legitimate view. It is a view shared by many political parties (with some variations)... Nevertheless, that view is a myopic view. It has not brought us closer to a solution. The distance between the people of Kashmir and the rest of India has only increased over the years. While affirming that Jammu and Kashmir (including the Kashmir valley) is a part of India, we must acknowledge that the core of the problem of Kashmir is not land but the people who live in the Kashmir valley.
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Out Of My Mind: Changing Guard

Meghnad Desai ventures to extract lessons for India from the recent political situation in Britain over the Referendum. He draws a parallel between the two major parties of Britain, and that of India. Talking of the former, Desai waxes eloquent on how the purpose of a party (whether Left or Right) is to compete for power so that it can implement its vision. The Conservative Party, for instance, was on the losing side in the Bloodless Revolution of 1688, but survived to compete for power. This has been evidenced even in 2016, when despite David Cameron’s exit, his successor was discovered within 18 days of the Referendum, while the Labour Party remains paralysed.

Meanwhile, the Labour Party is divided between those who want to spread their message of change and those who want to win elections. The party is paralysed and may split into two. There are lessons here for India. The oldest party is paralysed due to the hold of the dynasty and cannot return to power. The ideological party needs to be careful it does not put ideology above winning power.
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Costs of Prohibition: Imagining a Healthy Drinking Culture for India

Ruchir Joshi, in his column ‘The Thin Edge’ this morning, rues how despite our wanting to believe we’ve seen the backs of some archaic legislation, “someone or the other goes and revives the bizarre practice”. He refers particularly to the introduction of prohibition by the Bihar government in recent times, and to the contemplation of the same by the Mamata Banerjee government in Bengal. But this is highly ill-advised, insists Joshi, as he points out how most of our prejudices against alcohol are steeped in the colonial age, and in the stereotypes perpetuated since that era.

Unquestioned logics insert and install themselves. There can be no civilized drinking in mixed company. Only men drink (except for the aforementioned fallen women, who are worse than drunken men). These men only drink on an empty stomach, maybe with some snacks, but there is no question of eating and drinking at the same time - these are two separate activities, never to be mingled. The drinking Indian man gulps down only strong stuff, Scotch whisky, imitation Scotch, molasses-based hard liquor, or down the social ladder strong indigenous liquor such as santra, gulabi, bangla, chullu and arrack. Beer is an expensive luxury and whoever has heard of wine? The drinking must be done quickly, and copious amounts must be drunk to prove your manliness.

(Source: The Telegraph)

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We Can Take Lessons on Kashmir From Northern Ireland

Many attempts are being made to make sense of the turbulent Kashmir situation, and Karan Thapar this morning fleshes out his own. He seems to echo Chidambaram’s idea, in that Kashmir must be looked at as a land of its ‘people’, and describes how the violence in Kashmir clearly shows that the people of the Kashmir Valley must be treated with sensitivity. “What do they want, how far can we go to meet them, and can there be a compromise between us?” are the questions he believes should be asked. He likens this to the situation in Northern Ireland in the 1970s and 80s, when successive governments initially reacted to the trouble with the army. “But when John Major and, after him, Tony Blair started to tackle the problem politically, confronting rather than circumventing the issue of separation, a resolution seemed possible.”

Northern Ireland proves that politicians can make a difference when they want to and truly try. That’s where ours have fallen short. For all their other skills they’ve lacked the vision and generosity to reach out and embrace Kashmiri citizens who feel alien and unwanted. We may call them brothers but they feel they’re treated like stepchildren. The paterfamilias with the heart and mind to bring the quarrelling brood together is missing.

(Source: Hindustan Times)

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When Progressives Turn Reactionary

Ramachandra Guha throws open the hitherto-understood definitions of the ‘Left’ and the ‘Right’, believing that we might perhaps need to revise our ideas of the two. While the latter is seen as an upholder of the hierarchy, the Left is seen as the harbinger of change. Which is why, perhaps, Guha admits to being shocked at the Left resistance to a common civil code for all citizens, particularly in the ‘triple talaq’ case. The debate, he states, has brought in a lot of commentary from the liberal and left-wing press, virtually all of them attacking the idea of a common civil code.

The task, indeed duty, of progressive thinkers is to go beyond both political expediency and religious prejudice, and support a right policy for the right reasons. They must analyse, and articulate, the ethical principles behind the search for a civil code that does not discriminate between individual citizens on the basis of caste, community, religion, or gender. No one has ever claimed that a common civil code is a magic wand that will make discrimination against women disappear overnight. But it is a necessary first step towards the creation of a Republic whose citizens are equal before the law. This common code must draw not on ‘Hindu’ or ‘Muslim’ ideas, but on the fundamental principles of individual dignity and gender equality. 

(Source: Hindustan Times)

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Why I Googled Leander in a Wet T-Shirt

Twinkle Khanna’s unabashed and utterly delightful takedown of the patriarchy is always fun to watch, and she doesn’t hold back in her Sunday column ‘Mrs Funnybones’ either. She begins by exclaiming outrage, in her pointedly wry fashion, at the way Smriti Irani has been derided in the media. Jokes such as ‘Spinderella’ on the front pages of newspapers and WhatsApp forwards which went: “...no HRD feelings” pretty much summed up the misogynistic abuse that only Irani was subjected to after the Cabinet reshuffle, and none of her male colleagues. This is something Khanna notices even in the objectification of women on the tennis court, where a Serena Williams is derided for her nipples “showing” while acing her game (this despite the fact that no attempts are made to point out male nipples on display).

But I understand why there was such a hue and cry over Serena’s nipples. How else will you try and pull a woman on top of her game to your level, obviously not when the only thing you swing is a fly swatter while sitting in front on the TV and even then miss three of the four flies sitting on your bowl of French fries? So, you simply body-shame her.
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Inside Track: Post With Portfolio

Coomi Kapoor tries to provide an overview of the Cabinet reshuffle and the questions asked in its aftermath. She addresses first the appointment of Prakash Javadekar as a Cabinet minister, a fact that puzzled many when several ministers who were considered favourites of Prime Minister Modi (such as Nirmala Sitharaman and Piyush Goyal) were overlooked. She reasons, however, that it was his job profile in the new ministry that helped bring about the elevation. “He was considered a suitable replacement for Smriti Irani because of his conciliatory approach,” she proffers. Kapoor also describes Modi’s own words of caution to the new ministers:

PM Narendra Modi had a meeting with the new ministers. He warned them to be careful not to break any rules as electronic snoopers were ever present, someone might be tapping their phones or using recording devices when speaking to them. Nor should they speak out of turn. And that the media and Opposition were looking to trip them up. Also, instead of wasting time in felicitation functions, they were told, they should get down to work.
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Why Maneka Gandhi’s Bid to Take on Cyber Bullies Has Got ‘Likes’

Sagarika Ghose pens an open letter to Minister for Women and Child Development Maneka Gandhi this morning, lauding her for the initiative to start the hashtag #IAmTrolledHelp. Women who are subjected to online abuse can now seek help by tweeting with this hashtag. Ghose points out how Gandhi herself has been a subject of abuse, ironically right after she launched the initiative, by “Internet Hindus or Bhakts” who have accused her of taking away their right to attack “sickularists” online. But will the minister now have the guts to rein these pseudo-nationalists in, Ghose asks, many of whom are from her own party?

Women are fair game in this WWF-type “Hindu” patriotism, and civility is a sign of weakness. After all the collective self-esteem has been a tad bruised by bearded neighbours from Ghazni thundering in and diminishing Hindu civilization through murder and pillage. Now, ten centuries later, they want revenge from history: to stop being “tolerant Hindus” and give back as good as we got.
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