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India & Congress: Can the Party Learn From Gujarat Mistake & Prepare for 2024?

The party needs a robust strategy to return to its core vote base and strengthen with tangible action on the ground.

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(This is Part 2 of a two-part series on a detailed analysis on the rise of the Indian National Congress, its nation-wide outreach with Bharat Jodo Yatra and where it currently stands in India's socio-political realm.)

Continued from Part 1..

The Nano unit was a major disaster. Rahul Gandhi also referred to the adverse effects of demonetisation and GST on the state’s industry. He reeled out unemployment data and spoke of increasing privatisation of education and healthcare sectors.

If this was in urban areas, in agriculture-dominated regions, he spoke of farmer issues and in tribal areas, the focus on “Jal, Jungle and Zameen”, which are at risk with the onslaught of corporate firms. If he referred to the Land Acquisition (Amendment) Act of 2013 which is being sought to be diluted, he also did the non-implementation of the Forest Rights Act and the PESA.

He was joined by Hardik Patel (a Patidar), Alpesh Thakor (an OBC), and Jignesh Mevani (a Dalit) speaking in the same language. It was unprecedented that a Patidar, an OBC, and a Dalit could share a common platform since they have traditionally been at loggerheads for a variety of socio-economic reasons.

The Patidar agitation of Hardik remained central, but it became a cue for youngsters cutting across caste lines to empathise with one another's real issues of expensive education and decreasing jobs. Hardik’s rallies, at times bigger than those of Modi's, used to be attended by thousands of youngsters from all castes. And, so of Alpesh and Jignesh. Alpesh even went and locked up several industrial units for ignoring the locals in jobs while their lands were given to the corporates.
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