As BJP Woos Kerala Church, What Does Christian Leaders' Meet With Modi Indicate?

The Christian leadership in Kerala is divided along caste and ecumenical lines when it comes to the BJP.

Eight spiritual leaders of churches in Kerala met Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Thiruvananthapuram on 25 April. While this Christian delegation and the BJP state leadership, represented by BJP State President K Surendran, called the meeting “fruitful,” what marked the occasion was the conspicuous absence of representatives from some prominent denominations among Christians in Kerala – the Church of South India (CSI), the Marthoma Churches, and the Latin Catholic Churches of central and southern Kerala. Why?

So far, the Christian leadership in Kerala is divided in their approach towards Prime Minister Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party, which has been wooing Christian voters in the southern state. If the delegation which met Modi is indicative of the growing support for the BJP among Kerala Christians, it should also be noted that a chasm, over the BJP, has formed along both caste and ecumenical lines within the church in Kerala. Here’s why.

Who Met PM Modi?

A close look at the bishops and cardinals who met Narendra Modi in Kerala’s capital city reveals which ecumenical sects seem to be finding the BJP a viable political alternative. All seven denominations – represented by eight church leaders – in the meeting, were Episcopal Churches. Ecumenically, five of the seven denominations were Catholic, while the other two – Orthodox and Jacobite Churches – while standing close to the Catholic rites, represent Eastern Episcopal Churches which developed their history in Kerala. Predominantly, the churches which attended the meet represented the dominant caste Christians or the Syrian Christians of various Christian sects in the state.

The Syrian Christian denominations which were represented at the meet were Syro-Malabar Church, Malankara Orthodox Church, Jacobite Syrian Church, Knanaya Syrian Church, Chaladean Syrian Church, and Syro-Malankara Catholic Church.

Just one – Latin Catholic Church of Verapoly – was a Christian denomination representing OBC Christians in the state. Moreover, the Protestant churches in Kerala, including the CSI and Pentecostal Churches and other evangelical churches, were absent from the meet. Marthoma Church, a Protestant denomination which was invited to the meet, did not attend the same.

Why are the rumblings within the church significant to politics in Kerala? As per the 2011 census, Christians form 18.4 percent of Kerala’s population. The corresponding population figures for Hindus and Muslims in the state are 54.7 percent and 26.6 percent, respectively. Electorally, the Christian vote, similar to the Muslim vote, has traditionally been landing in the Congress-led United Democratic Front’s (UDF) kitty for decades. However, in the recent past, especially in the run up to 2021 Legislative Assembly elections, a visible shift in political allegiance among this vote base seemed to have emerged. Churches in central Kerala seemed to warm up to the BJP.

Fear of Demographic Indicators

The juggernaut started within the confines of churches where alleged ‘love jihad’ and ‘narcotics jihad’ became topics of concern. Way back in 2021, Bishop of Syro-Malabar Church in Pala, Mar Joseph Kallarangatt, accused the Muslims in Kerala of ‘corrupting Christian youth with narcotic substances and wooing them to accept Islam.’ While Pala falls in Kottayam district of central Kerala, up north in Kozhikode district’s Thamarassery, the Syro-Malabar church published a booklet on ‘love jihad’ accusing Muslim men of wooing Christian women to proselytize them.

The allegations reflected a crisis within in the Episcopal churches and denominations representing dominant caste Christians, in Kerala.

“There is growing anxiety over what is being perceived as stagnation of Christian population in the state. Among Catholic churches there are those which have promised incentives for married couples who would want more than one or two children,” a church elder of a prominent church in Kozhikode told The Quint on condition of anonymity.

While demographically, there is no indication that the Christian population in the state is declining, the unfounded concern has been that the community would be just half the size of the Muslim population in the state within three decades.

Meanwhile, the emergence of semi-political Christian outfits like Christian Alliance for Social Action (CASA) too has swayed the laity or the church- goers towards the BJP. CASA leadership which has decisive say within the community has been vociferously opposing alleged "allurement" of Christians to Islam. However, it is not clear what section of the Christian vote these organisations will be able to sway towards the BJP.

As the demographic fear has gripped the church predominantly in north Kerala, in central Kerala the church's concerns have been somewhat different.

Troubled by the Muslim Leadership in UDF

“There is a saying among Kerala Christians: ‘If you need to see good roads, you should go to Malappuram district. The driving is bad, but the roads are top-tier.’ This statement is of significance because Malappuram district in north Kerala is a bastion of the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML). The allegation is that the Muslim League MPs bring disproportionate development to their constituents, who are mostly Muslims,” a Catholic priest who had migrated from Kottayam district to a town that borders Malappuram district told The Quint.

In essence, according to prominent Christian spiritual leaders cutting across caste and ecumenical lines, there is growing resentment towards the Muslim League which is part of the UDF.

The anti-League sentiment is strong in Central Kerala districts where the Christian population is way above the Muslim population. For instance, in Idukki where the Christian population is 43.42 percent as against Muslim population of 7.41 percent, a coalition of plantation owners had lobbied against the IUML’s prominence in 2021 election, a church elder based in Idukki told The Quint. From Idukki migration to north Kerala is common, allowing this district to indirectly decide electoral fate of parties even in the Malabar region.

Similarly, in districts including Pathanamthitta (Christian population – 38.12 percent), Alappuzha (20.43 percent), Kottayam (43.48 percent), and Ernakulam (38.03 percent), the Christian spiritual leaders are worried that regional parties which used to represent the community, including Kerala Congress and its multiple factions, have moved away from the UDF to join the Left Democratic Front (LDF).

In fact, earlier in March this year, there were indications that the Kerala Congress factions within the LDF could merge to become a united front.

“The UDF is largely representing Muslim leaders who supports both the Muslim League and the Congress. Now even LDF has become a viable option for Christian political leaders because of this,” a priest in Idukki rued. It is to be noted that most prominent Episcopal churches in central Kerala are those predominantly representing the Syrian Christians. The fact that the  Muslim League, meanwhile, has been fighting debilitating leadership disputes of its own has not assuaged the fears among Christian voters.

The Advent of BJP

Meanwhile, Latin Catholics have mostly been supporting the Congress. In the recent protests against Vizinjam Port, the Latin Catholic church had taken the support of the Congress, whose leaders were at the forefront of the protests. In essence, the Congress, especially in Ernakulam district, has continued to represent the concerns of Latin Catholic churches which also represent the interests of the Christian fishing community along Kerala’s long coast.

“The Latin church has largely been with the Congress even in 2021 Assembly elections. There are prominent leaders of the Latin community in the Congress and that leadership still is powerful in Kerala,” a prominent church elder said.

While anxiety over demographic and political prominence has teared through the Episcopal churches, Protestant sects which have low prominence and numbers have been staying away from the BJP. “Not a single leader from the CSI attended the meeting with the PM because the CSI has largely been trying to project the image that they are apolitical. But the indication is that, this protestant denomination will not swing towards the BJP because they have traditionally been backing the Congress or at most the LDF,” a senior CSI priest from Thrissur district told The Quint. Similarly, the Marthoma Church, another prominent Protestant denomination abstained from sending their representatives to the meeting.

Meanwhile, the evangelical protestant missions like the Pentecostal Church have not been fans of the BJP either.

Reason? Evangelical missions are accused of religious conversion in states where the BJP is in power. “It is not in their interest to support the BJP. That will be a huge betrayal of their pastors and missionaries in other states who, according to them, have been suffering persecution under the BJP-rule,” a Christian priest said.

However, if the BJP continues to woo prominent Christian denominations, whose leadership seem to be keen on supporting the saffron party, the UDF vote could split in favour of the BJP in districts where Christian population is significantly high. With the LDF government nearing two years of its second term in office, will the next Assembly election witness a saffron surge that rides on the Christian vote in Kerala? What could worry the Congress way before Assembly elections is the impact the Kerala church’s dalliance with the BJP could have on Lok Sabha elections in 2024.