Two days after riots rocked Nagpur over demands by Hindu outfits for the removal of Aurangzeb’s grave in Khuldabad, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) — through its spokesperson Sunil Ambekar — not only condemned the violence but also said the Mughal emperor was not relevant anymore.
Coming as they do on the heels of weeks of protests by RSS affiliates — the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal — it is difficult to fathom how to read these statements.
Do they reflect genuine concern about mounting communal clashes across the country? Or are they another example of classic RSS doublespeak on their top agenda item of erasing Muslim rulers from India’s history?
Nagpur Violence: Did RSS Know?
Nagpur houses the headquarters of the RSS. It is inconceivable that the Sangh leadership, with its vast network of foot soldiers in and around the city, was unaware of what its affiliated organisations had planned for 17 March, the day Nagpur burned.
How can there be secrecy around an event at which an effigy of Aurangzeb is burnt amid chants of Jai Shri Ram, Jai Bhavani, and Jai Shivaji?
The gathering in Nagpur’s Mahal area that day was one of several held by the VHP and Bajrang Dal activists in different parts of Maharashtra. It is equally difficult to believe that the top brass did not anticipate the consequences of an inflammatory demonstration in a deliberately cultivated and charged atmosphere. A communal riot was inevitable. And so, it happened.
Had Sangh bosses wanted, they could have nipped the controversy in the bud before it exploded into violence. In a disciplined organisation like the RSS, command and control structures are well established and ingrained into every worker.
The VHP and Bajrang Dal are not part of the lunatic fringe. They are very much acknowledged members of the larger Sangh Parivar. Obedience and loyalty run in their blood.
While it is unlikely that the Aurangzeb tomb drama was planned in consultation with the RSS, it is possible that it had the tacit approval of a section of leaders within the Sangh, RSS insiders state.
Responding to the allegations of the RSS’ involvement, a source close to the organisation said the RSS is “not a monolith, contrary to popular perception. There are internal differences with some groups more hardline than others”. The source feels that there are some in the Sangh who are not on board with RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat's efforts to present a more benign face.
Sangh's 'Blue-Eyed Boy'
However, utterances by Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis through the controversy do raise questions. In fact, he lit the first match by bestowing political legitimacy on the demand to raze Aurangzeb’s tomb.
“We all believe the same,” he said on 10 March, a week before the Nagpur violence.
Although he tried to soften his potentially explosive comment by bringing in the law since the grave is an ASI-protected monument, Fadnavis' support for the cause was clear. It must be stressed that Fadnavis is the blue-eyed boy of the RSS, handpicked by the Nagpur bosses to be CM against the will of a section of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) high command in Delhi after the party’s historic victory in Maharashtra.
It is reasonable to assume that Fadnavis would have sought a green signal before saying what he did. He is too cautious to shoot off-the-cuff remarks, and he knows who his benefactors are. Fadnavis is guilty of a double fault. Not only did he give the agitation his political blessings, but he also made no move to calm emotions when the situation threatened to get out of hand.
Like with the RSS in Nagpur, there is no way that Fadnavis as CM, home minister, and Nagpur MLA rolled into one, would not have been tipped off by intelligence reports about the agitation being planned on 17 March.
It is also beyond belief that he and his police and intelligence officials would not have anticipated the fallout that day. Fadnavis now claims that the violence was “pre-planned”. If so, was he not warned by his officials so that precautionary measures could have been taken?
A Handy Distraction
The ongoing storm has come in handy for both Fadnavis and his mentors in the RSS. It serves the larger agenda of keeping the communal pot simmering so that Hindutva grows deep roots in civil society.
It also serves as a distraction from the Fadnavis government’s inability to fulfill election promises related to social welfare benefits because of a shortage of funds.
The biggest hit has been taken by the poll-winning Laadki Bahin Yojana under which Rs 2,500 was distributed every month to lakhs of poor women.
Now that it’s in power, the BJP has discovered that the state treasury simply doesn’t have the finances to continue the scheme.
Although it has not been scrapped, no funds have been earmarked for it in the state budget for the next financial year.
Apparently, several other ongoing welfare schemes may be guillotined because of lack of funds. These include measures like free cooked meals for the poor, distribution of grocery kits, and free travel to pilgrimage spots for senior citizens.
It is ironic that of late, RSS chief Bhagwat has been making a strenuous attempt to project a more benevolent face of the Sangh. He has ticked off radical groups for “hunting for a lingam under every mosque”. He has stressed the harmful impact of violence on social harmony and development. He has even made inclusive noises about Muslims in India.
Yet, chief ministers like Fadnavis in Maharashtra and Yogi Adityanath in Uttar Pradesh persist in fanning communal flames with incendiary statements that pander to the Sangh’s vision of a Hindu rashtra.
As it happens, both these CMs are RSS favourites — and seem confident that they will not ruffle feathers in Nagpur. It looks like the mask is slipping, no matter how often Bhagwat or Ambekar may call for peace.
(Arati R Jerath is a Delhi-based senior journalist. She tweets @AratiJ. This is an opinion piece and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same.)