More Than Legacy: Stalin’s Political Formula That Keeps DMK on Top

Stalin’s mix of legacy, governance, and resistance seems to have struck the right chord with the TN electorate.

Far from being a shadow of his father, Stalin has forged his own political personality: accessible, administratively competent, and firmly rooted in the Dravidian ethos.

(Photo: PTI)

As Tamil Nadu heads toward the 2026 Assembly elections, recent opinion polls such as the C-Voter-India Today’s Mood of the Nation report, have triggered significant debate in political circles. The surveys suggest a continuation of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam's (DMK) dominance under Chief Minister MK Stalin, who is leading with 27 percent.

For a government grappling with persistent opposition from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led Centre, allegations of corruption, and the usual jibes about dynasty politics, this trajectory defies political expectations. So, what explains the DMK’s sustained popularity in Tamil Nadu’s complex political climate?

Welfare as Strategy, Not Just Sops

At the heart of Stalin’s popularity lies an expansive and largely efficient welfare architecture. Critics may call it populism, but in Tamil Nadu’s political culture, welfare is deeply tied to dignity and equity.

From free bus travel for women and transgender persons under the Magalir Vidiyal Payanam Thittam scheme to monthly financial assistance schemes like Kalaignar Magalir Urimai Thogai, the DMK government has created mechanisms that touch daily lives.

More than 1.15 crore women receive Rs 1,000 directly into their accounts every month, and the scheme has generated not just financial relief but political loyalty. The Pudhumai Penn Thittam scheme, targeting girls in classes 6–12 to support their college education, has boosted the school-to-college transition rate by 34 percent.

Add to this working women’s hostels, loan schemes for self-help groups, maternity leave enhancements, and 40 percent job reservation for women, and you see why Stalin has made serious inroads into a demographic that once leaned towards the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK).

On the youth front, flagship schemes like Naan Mudhalvan (skill training for 10 lakh youth) and Tamil Pudhalvan (monthly stipend of Rs 1,000 for 3.28 lakh college students) aim to reduce educational dropouts and improve employability. Along with innovative programmes such as Illam Thedi Kalvi and Ennum Ezhuthum, Stalin has focused on building long-term human capital, not just electoral goodwill.

These policies; they are political instruments. In a state where the electorate is among the most informed and politically aware, a well-delivered scheme carries weight—socially, culturally, and electorally.

Anti-Federalism as Narrative and Governance Strategy

Stalin’s DMK has also succeeded in crafting a compelling oppositional identity to the BJP at the Centre. In Tamil Nadu, this is no small feat. The state has a deep-rooted historical skepticism of northern imposition, be it language, education policy, or administrative overreach.

By consistently highlighting the BJP’s alleged obstructionism, particularly through the governor’s office, the delay or denial of disaster relief funds, and the throttling of state autonomy, Stalin has kept the anti-Modi narrative alive and well.

Yet, despite these hurdles, Tamil Nadu under Stalin has posted an impressive 9.69 percent economic growth rate, the highest in the country. This statistic highlights the DMK’s ability to perform even when structurally handicapped by a Centre-state relationship mired in tension and delay.

Stalin has effectively turned obstruction into an argument for efficiency and a weapon against the BJP’s claims of national development leadership.

Whether it’s the NEET issue, the delay in approvals for state projects, or perceived discrimination in fund allocation, the DMK has positioned itself as Tamil Nadu’s federal guardian.

Evolving Answers to Corruption and Dynasty

No government in India is free of allegations, and the DMK is no exception. The opposition, and even sections of the public, have flagged concerns about corruption, political patronage, and nepotism.

However, it’s worth noting that in the Indian political landscape today, there is scarcely any major party untainted by similar issues. Voters, especially in politically mature states like Tamil Nadu, know this reality. What perhaps makes the difference is delivery.

The DMK’s strategy seems to hinge not so much on denying the dynasty but on demonstrating competence. Udhayanidhi Stalin’s growing role in governance has drawn criticism for perpetuating family dominance. However, his performance has also drawn admiration, be it in youth affairs, sports development, or public outreach. Tamil Nadu voters appear to be signalling that dynasty need not be disqualifying, as long as the person proves their mettle, works hard, and governs responsibly.

This pragmatic voter calculus, judging more by governance than genealogy, is a marked shift in public political consciousness.

The Opposition: Fragmented and Fumbling

The AIADMK, once the primary rival to the DMK, continues to reel under internal factionalism. Its alliance with the BJP, after an earlier break-up, has only muddled its positioning.

In a state with a deep aversion to Hindutva politics, siding with the BJP on sensitive issues such as language, federalism, and religious polarisation is political quicksand. The 2024 general elections saw the AIADMK-BJP combine fail to win a single seat, even though their combined vote share in some segments was significant.

Although the BJP has an increased visibility thanks to Annamalai’s aggressive politics till recently, its vote share in Tamil Nadu remains modest, and its attempts to brand itself as a credible alternative are hampered by its outsider status in Dravidian politics.

It should be noted that in 2024, while the INDIA bloc’s vote share was 47 percent, the AIADMK alliance secured 23 percent and the BJP 18.3 percent. So the combined vote share of the AIADMK and BJP alliances was 41.3 percent — just a 5.7 percentage point gap with the INDIA bloc.

Meanwhile, behind-the-scenes parleys between actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) and the AIADMK have added a fresh layer of intrigue to the unfolding 2026 political drama. If such an alliance materialises, it could dramatically reshape the opposition landscape.Vijay’s popularity, particularly among youth and first-time voters, could offer the AIADMK a much-needed electoral boost. However, the road to such a partnership is far from smooth.

For one, Vijay has publicly identified the BJP as his ideological adversary. Any tie-up with the AIADMK would likely require the latter to sever its alliance with the BJP, which could be seen as betrayal and invite retaliation from the BJP-led government at the Centre. Would Edappadi Palaniswami be willing to risk the wrath of the Union government for the uncertain rewards of aligning with Vijay?

Conversely, if TVK were to join the AIADMK–BJP alliance, it would raise uncomfortable questions of ideological compromise. Would the public accept an alliance, stitched together more by political expediency than shared values? In a politically astute state like Tamil Nadu, such contradictions are rarely missed, and voters may well see through the veneer of unity.

No Room for Complacency

The emergence of actor Vijay and his TVK certainly brings a wildcard into the 2026 mix. Polls show him at a surprising 18 percent popularity as a preferred CM candidate, second only to Stalin. However, the electoral system doesn’t reward potential alone.

Without a tested cadre, clear policy positions, and constituency-level traction, celebrity charisma may not translate into votes. And unless Vijay’s party can articulate a vision that speaks to Tamil Nadu’s unique political culture, which unfortunately hasn’t happened yet, it may split opposition votes rather than presenting a credible alternative.

As things stand, the DMK heads into the 2026 elections with an impressive record of welfare, a strong state-centric narrative, a proven track record of economic growth despite federal roadblocks, and a relatively unified leadership. The opposition is fragmented, and the BJP’s attempts at inroads appear stunted by ideological mismatch and coalition incoherence.

However, politics is never static. Public dissatisfaction, however muted now, can amplify quickly if issues like inflation, unemployment, or corruption are mishandled. Actor Vijay’s political capital may grow. The AIADMK could regain lost ground if it can reassert independence and reconnect with its base or recalibrate its alliances.

(The author is an education consultant and political analyst based in Bengaluru. This is an opinion piece. The views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for them.)