Rajiv Kumar completed his tenure as the 25th Chief Election Commissioner of India on 18 February 2025. Kumar, a 1984-batch IAS officer, became the CEC on 15 May, 2022. In his stint that last slightly less than three years, Kumar oversaw the conducting of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections and as many as 17 Vidhan Sabha elections. However, his achievements have been overshadowed by allegations of partisanship and missed opportunities for electoral reform.
As the country prepares for the transition to a new CEC, Gyanesh Kumar, there is much to reflect on and learn from.
Rajiv Kumar: The Administrator and Poet
Rajiv Kumar’s love for poetry became known to anyone who interacted with him and it often brought some change from the mundaneness of press conferences. However, Kumar’s poetic flourishes couldn’t deflect from the questions on how elections were conducted under his watch.
Key concerns that came up during his tenure included:
Delays in announcing election schedules, as seen in the 2022 Gujarat Assembly elections. These were the first Assembly elections overseen by Kumar as the CEC.
Alleged voter data manipulation by the Chilume NGO in Karnataka in the run-up to the 2023 Assembly polls. A probe revealed that Chilume Trust that the NGO may have illegally collected data in a foreign server, created multiple bank accounts for tax evasion, and took paid assignments from political parties.
Allegations of mass deletion of legitimate voters and the inclusion of bogus entries in Andhra Pradesh. TDP chief Chandrababu Naidu provided documentary evidence supporting these allegations, mainly directed at the YSRCP that was then ruling the state.
Unexplained voter roll anomalies in Maharashtra in the run-up to the 2024 Assembly elections.
All these cases ended up further eroding public trust in the Election Commission of India (ECI).
Questions Over the 2024 Maharashtra Election
Since I have closely studied the Maharashtra data, I want to go into it in a bit of detail.
There are five aspects to the electoral roll anomalies in Maharashtra.
1. Additions to voter rolls far exceeding the realistic growth rate: During the Maharashtra elections, 8 lakh electors were deleted 48 lakh new electors were added in five months between the Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections—a 4.25% increase. By contrast, in the 2019 elections, only 11 lakh voters were added in same six months, reflecting a more realistic growth rate of 1.3%. (Read this story by The Quint to know more).
2. Unusual Voter Spike in Maharashtra Compared to Jharkhand and Haryana, Despite Similar Election Timing : The surge in voter registrations in Maharashtra over the five months preceding the elections is suspicious compared to Jharkhand (2.6 lakh) and Haryana (3.8 lakh), where Vidhan Sabha elections happened soon after the Lok Sabha polls. In five years, Jharkhand added 27 lakh voters, Haryana 16 lakh, and Maharashtra 32 lakh. However, Maharashtra’s five-month spike has already exceeded its total five-year count, raising concerns
3. 16 Lakh More Voters in Maharashtra than the Adult Population: As per the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Maharashtra’s estimated adult (18+) population in 2024 was calculated at 9.54 crores. However, the Election Commission's records for the Vidhan Sabha election listed 9.70 crore enrolled electors.
4. Unpublished Electoral Rolls: The 3rd Special Summary Revision (SSR), electoral rolls were not made available on the ECI website. Final Rolls from the 2nd SSR, updated on October 30, 2024 were available. Lakhs of voters added after the “2nd SSR rolls” who were allowed to vote remain inaccessible to the public. For instance, in the Kamthi constituency, 13,279 voters were added after October 30, 2024:
Electoral count as per ECI Form 20: 5,02,099
Electoral count as per the 2nd SSR Roll: 4,88,820
This is significant, as the winning margin in more than 70 seats was less than 13,000 votes, and most of these seats were lost by the MVA alliance. The unavailability of updated voter data severely impacted the contestants, as they were unable to identify and mobilize new voters effectively.
5. Delayed Availability of Form-20 Documents: Form-20, a vital document detailing party-wise vote counts, was unavailable for Maharashtra even six months after the election results. This was in contrast to other states, where such data was readily accessible.
When these issues were raised, the response focused on affirming the system's strength rather than addressing specific concerns.
Leadership at the Election Commission requires more than eloquence; it demands the courage to accept and address systemic flaws. As Rajiv Kumar’s tenure comes to an end, it is fitting that we summarise it in a form that he specialised in: poetry.
'Tu idhar udhar ki baat na kar, yeh bata kaafila kyun loota,
Hamein rahzanon se gila nahi, teri rahbari ka sawal hai.'
('Don’t distract from the issue; explain why the caravan was looted. We’re not blaming the robbers but questioning your leadership.')"
Missed Opportunities at Electoral Reform
The missed opportunities in Mr Kumar’s tenure become more evident if I contrast it with how CEC OP Rawat had responded when we flagged similar issues.
During Mr Rawat’s tenure as CEC, I identified a glaring issue of missing voters. By comparing voter data with the household size report from the census, I uncovered crores of missing names from the electoral rolls. On-ground verification further confirmed these findings.
To address this, I launched Missing Voters app, which provided details of households with potential missing voters. The app quickly gained popularity, attracting more than 2.5 lakh downloads.
I met Mr Rawat and explained that the mass deletions were caused by vulnerabilities in the ECI's website. The site lacked basic security measures, allowing unscrupulous actors to exploit it by submitting bulk applications online through Form-7, which is used for objections to voter inclusion or deletion. The system did not require authentication or asked any details about the person submitting the request, leaving it open to widespread abuse.
Mr Rawat acted decisively. The website underwent a complete overhaul. A login system was introduced, restricting users to submitting objections for a maximum of seven voters. This measure effectively curtailed the bulk removal of voter IDs, safeguarding the integrity of the electoral rolls. O.P. Rawat's tenure exemplified how proactive leadership and a commitment to reform can strengthen democratic processes and restore public trust in electoral systems.
Mr Rawat made a positive impact to the electoral process despite his tenure lasting just a little over three months. This shows the difference decisive leadership can make.
Recommendations for New CEC
As Gyanesh Kumar takes over as CEC, it is crucial for him to adopt a reform-oriented approach, addressing the gaps in electoral transparency and integrity. Here are my recommendations:
Strengthen Electoral Roll Management: Provide easy access of electoral rolls at least for the last six years on the ECI website to enable public analysis and research.
Enhance Accountability: Ensure Form-20 documents are made available within a specified timeframe to promote transparency.
Communicate Deletions Clearly: Inform voters about deletions from the rolls and retain proof of such actions for verification by political parties when required.
Address Duplicate Voter Entries: Link Aadhaar cards with voter IDs to identify duplicate entries and maintain clean electoral rolls.
I urge the new CEC to prioritise actions over rhetoric, reform over complacency, and integrity over expediency. The democratic fabric of India depends on it.
(Khalid Saifullah is Vice Chairman of Data Analytics Department of Indian National Congress. He has 21 years of experience in information technology and is founder of Missing Voters App and Free Ration App. This is an opinion piece. All views expressed are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for them.)