Bhagwat in NYC: Inclusivity Portrayal Abroad, Majoritarianism Push at Home?

How far do Mohan Bhagwat's 'standards' of Hinduism actually travel through the RSS-BJP ecosystem?

(Photo: X/RSS)

"If any Hindu thinks that there should be no Muslim in Bharat, he will not remain Hindu."

This is RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat's new definition of who is a Hindu in India, which he gave during the much anticipated event in New York on the 29th of August where he spoke extensively about India’s long-standing tradition of unity in diversity.

He said, “If you want to call yourself a Hindu you have to believe that all paths are leading to the same Goal. And every human has dignity. There is no difference between human beings.”

"Diversity is the rule of nature. Unity is the truth behind nature," he said.

But if those are the standards he is setting for Hinduism, how far does that message actually travel through the Sangh ecosystem?

Take Ramesh Bidhuri – who claims to be associated with the RSS since childhood, calls a Muslim MP all kinds of slurs in the Parliament, but is still given a ticket to contest the Delhi Assembly elections by the same BJP-RSS ecosystem.

Nitesh Rane, who has repeatedly made anti-Muslim speeches, faces multiple cases, was made a minister by Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis who is a hardcore RSS member. Fadnavis himself keeps propagating claims like vote jihad and love jihad.

Anant Kumar Hegde, who began his activism with RSS and was a Union minister, once called for eradication of Islam, but continues to be a part of the BJP.

Himanta Biswa Sarma, Kapil Mishra, Pragya Singh Thakur, Sakshi Maharaj, – the list goes on.

And this isn't simply about a few speeches.

Look at some of these headlines in Organiser - an RSS-affliated magazine,

• “Love Jihad Recap of 2024.”

• “The Invisible War: Demographic Jihad.”

• “Islamic Caliphate under Mamata Banerjee.”

• “Hindu numbers fall as Islam population soars.”

These aren't isolated social-media posts. They are headlines in a publication closely associated with the RSS.

The India Hate Lab report last year recorded that 98% of hate speeches targeted Muslims, and 88% of these took place in BJP-ruled or NDA states. Uttar Pradesh recorded the highest, followed by Maharashtra, where RSS is headquartered.

In August 2026, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination flagged increased targeting of Bengali-speaking Muslims

The Human Rights Watch World Report 2026, Amnesty international, all have given grim statistics on issues like anti-Muslim hate, bulldozer raj, housing discrimination, the list goes on.

Take political representation: Muslims make up roughly 14% of India's population, but only 24 Muslims are in Lok Sabha – and not one comes from the BJP.

This isn't the first time Bhagwat has made an inclusive statement about Indian Muslims, inclusivity, or plurality. But If the message is really meant to change the politics, where is the change?

Because if a Hindu who believes Muslims should not live in Bharat, in Bhagwat's own words, “will not remain Hindu” – then why do people and outfits who consider Bhagwat and RSS as their ideological guru repeatedly portray Muslims as a demographic threat, an infiltrator, a conspirator, or a person to be fought with in a religious war?

Or is the goal to portray inclusivity on global platforms while the RSS-BJP ecosystem pushes for majoritarianism back home?

Evidence suggests that Bhagwat's message has not travelled very far into several parts of the political, organisational and ideological ecosystem of the BJP and the Sangh.

It is visible in the speeches of its leaders, the treatment of minorities on the ground, and the reports being highlighted in any credible media houses of the country, almost every day.