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"We would have not been able to do this film if we did not get the greatest guidance and support for the RSS. They have been our guardian angels."
This is what the producer of The Kerala Story and The Kerala Story 2 Goes Beyond, Vipul Amrutlal Shah, said at the World Hindu Congress in Bangkok in 2023. This was in contrast to the public statements made by Shah claiming that his film had nothing to do with any political party or organisation.
This is not an isolated case. The Quint found at least 10 films where the producer or director have a direct connection with the BJP, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), or Hindutva outfits.
We have already discussed producer Vipul Amrutlal Shah's remarks giving credit to the RSS for the film. But the connection doesn't end there.
The director of The Kerala Story 2 is Kamakhya Narayan Singh. In 2025, he made a documentary titled Demography is Destiny, claiming that the Muslim population in India would surpass that of Hindus. Now, these claims are completely baseless, and have been debunked through research. But that is besides the point. What matters for us here is that the producer of this documentary is Ravindra Sanghvi, who is associated with the RSS. He has been the Vibhag Sanghachalak of RSS Mumbai.
Vipul Shah is also the producer of Bastar: The Naxal Story.
There have also been reports that Vipul Shah gave Rs 1 crore in two separate donations to a Kerala-based Hindutva organisation in 2023 - Aarsha Vidya Samajam, which claims to "rescue" Hindu women who have been forcibly converted to Islam.
However, the yoga centres affiliated with the organisation have been accused of torturing and forcibly confining women, according to The News Minute report.
Similar allegations were made by Hadiya (originally Akhila Ashokan), a Hindu woman who had married a Muslim man by her own free will. Their marriage was annulled after her father approached the court but it was later restored by the Supreme Court.
This is a Telugu film released in 2024, claiming to depict the atrocities committed by the Razakar paramilitary force during Nizam rule. The film has been produced by Gudur Narayana Reddy, who is a member of the Telangana BJP. In 2023, he had contested Assembly elections from Bhongir on a BJP ticket.
When this film was released, all attention was on its director and lead actor Randeep Hooda. But the producer is Anand Pandit, who has served as the treasurer of the Maharashtra BJP.
He is also connected to our fifth film.
This the biopic on PM Narendra Modi, starring Vivek Oberoi. Pandit's company Anand Pandit Motion Pictures is among the producers of the film.
Actor Hitu Kanodia, who is a BJP MLA in Gujarat, is part of this film. His father and uncle have also been BJP leaders. The producer is BJ Purohit, a BJP supporter. The director, MK Shivaaksh, has worked on projects for the BJP government in Uttar Pradesh.
Its director is Akashaditya Lama. His case is quite interesting. He is the joint secretary of an organisation called Bharatiya Chitra Sadhana, which is linked to the RSS and aims to connect the film industry with the Sangh.
According to their website, the "Bharatiya Chitra Sadhana was created in 2016 to encourage films that promote ancient and modern Bharatiya values and philosophy".
The chairman of the outfit is BK Kuthiala, known to be a prominent Hindutva ideologue. In 2019, he was made chairman of the Haryana State Higher Education Council by the BJP-led government in the state.
This film, starring Anupam Kher in the lead role, ended up ridiculing former PM Manmohan Singh and his tenure, being especially critical of Congress president Sonia Gandhi. Its director is Vijay Ratnakar Gutte, whose father Ratnakar Gutte is a leader of the Rashtriya Samaj Paksh, an ally of the BJP in Maharashtra.
This film, based on the killing of tailor Kanhaiya Lal by two Muslim extremists in Udaipur, is produced by Amit Jani, founder of the Hindu Action Force and president of the Uttar Pradesh Navnirman Sena. He had spoken about giving election tickets to the accused in the Dadri and Rajsamand lynching cases.
This film has been produced by Mahakaal Movies Private Limited. One of the directors in this company is Vishnu Tantia. He happens to be a business associate of Gopal Goyal better known as Gopal Kanda, a Haryana politician in alliance with the BJP in the state.
Tantia and Goyal are directors in a number of companies together, such as MDLR Airlines, MDLR Steel and MDLR Infrastructure. In several other companies, Tantia is a director along with members of Gopal Kanda's family.
These ten films are not a complete list. There may be more films inspired by the BJP or RSS, or funded by people linked to them.
There are also films that are openly promoted by top BJP leaders.
For example, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has openly praised films like The Kashmir Files, Article 370, The Sabarmati Report, The Kerala Story, and Chhaava.
Some films like The Kashmir Files and The Kerala Story were even made tax-free in BJP-ruled states. Special screenings of such ideological films have also been organised by the BJP, ABVP, and Sangh-affiliated groups.
So in different ways, the BJP and the Sangh appear to play an important role in producing or promoting films aligned with a particular ideology.
A question also arises about the Censor Board—how is it that films promoting Hindutva ideology or spreading hatred against Muslims easily get clearance, while a film exposing alleged police killings in Punjab, based on Jaswant Singh Khalra, faces censorship?
So who are the people in this Censor Board?
The chairman of the CBFC is Prasoon Joshi, who created campaigns for the Modi government and wrote songs for the Prime Minister.
Board members include Vivek Agnihotri, known for films like The Kashmir Files and Bengal Files; Ramesh Patange, associated with the RSS; Gautami Tadimalla, an actress linked to the BJP ally AIADMK; Vani Tripathi Tikoo, a former BJP national secretary; Jeevita Rajashekhar, a BJP member in Telangana; and TS Nagabharana, who has openly supported the BJP in Karnataka.
So now the full picture is in front of you. People linked to the BJP, RSS, and Hindutva organisations make films that polish the government’s image or spread hatred against certain communities or states. Despite spreading division and harming social harmony, these films easily receive clearance. And after release, they are promoted by those connected to the government or the party.
An entire system appears to be in place to push the public toward a particular ideology.
(With inputs by Himanshi Dahiya)