Former PM Nawaz Sharif, who had to resign from the post of Prime Minister in July 2017, and then was disqualified from holding any position for life, has yet again ruffled feathers with his rather bold remarks.
Sharif in an interview to the Dawn newspaper stated: “Militant organisations are active. Call them non-state actors; should we allow them to cross the border and kill 150 people in Mumbai? Explain it to me. Why can’t we complete the trial?”
Sharif’s Brother Steps In
The Indian media was predictably quick to react to his remark. The former PM’s statement also created an uproar in Pakistan, with many in Pakistan, accusing Nawaz of being an Indian agent. An NSC (National Security Council) meeting was convened to discuss this issue.
The meeting was attended by top political leaders including Defence and Foreign Minister Khurram Dastgir Khan and Finance Minister Miftah Ismail.
Top bureaucrats including Foreign Secretary Tehmina Janjua and most importantly, members of the security establishment — national security adviser (NSA) Lt General (retd) Nasser Khan Janjua, Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee chairman Gen Zubair Hayat, the directors general of the Inter-Services Intelligence and the Military Intelligence, and the three services chiefs.
A statement released by the National Security Council criticised Sharif’s statement, for not being factually correct. It also blamed India for the delays in the Mumbai trial. The statement said:
“Besides many other refusals during the investigation, the denial of access to the principal accused, Ajmal Qasab, and his extraordinarily hurried execution became the core impediment in the finalisation of the trial.”
Sharif’s brother Shahbaz Sharif, currently CM of The Punjab and the party’s PM candidate for the upcoming election, held a meeting with parliamentarians of PML-N. All these parliamentarians said that the former PM’s remarks had caused them immense embarrassment, and could mar their electoral prospects.
Shahbaz, while defending his brother, said that in the future he would advise Nawaz not to speak on sensitive issues, without consulting other party members.
No End to Sharif’s Troubles
Sharif’s troubles seem to be never ending. A few days before this, Sharif had been accused by Pakistan’s National Accountability Bureau NAB of laundering a little less than 5 Billion (4.9 Billion USD) to India, based on a report of the World Bank’s Remittances and Migration Report of 2016. The World Bank was of course quick to issue a denial, saying:
“In the past day, there have been media reports citing the World Bank's Remittances and Migration Report of 2016. These media reports were incorrect. The report does not include any mention of money laundering nor does it name any individuals.”
It is not just his recent remarks with regard to the Mumbai attacks, but even his comments pertaining to the creation of Bangladesh, (made in January 2018) which are significant.
Sharif while commenting with regard to the ill treatment of Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, blamed the establishment:
“[Former Bangladesh prime minister] Sheikh Mujibur Rehman was not a rebel, but was made into one... the Bengalis had a central role in the effort to create Pakistan, but we did not treat them well and separated them from us..”
This is truly unprecedented for a political leader from Pakistan.
Nawaz Sharif’s Role in Reshaping Pakistan’s Narrative
Sharif’s remarks are interesting, because for long, he has been accused of playing footsie with Islamic hardliners, including Hafiz Saeed (co-founder of LeT and founder of JuD) one of the main masterminds of the Mumbai terror attacks. Of late, however, ties have considerably soured with Saeed criticising Sharif for being soft on India.
Sharif, arguably Pakistan’s tallest leader, as of today has played a crucial role in reshaping Pakistan’s political narrative over the past two decades. While he was initiated into politics by a military dictator, General Zia-Ul-Haq, his ties with the army have deteriorated due to dissonance over a number of issues, including Pakistan’s relationship with India and the civil military relationship.
Since the 1990s, the former PM has been pitching for better ties with India, and the need for moving out of a security mindset.
In 1997, he won a thumping majority while fighting the election on the plank of better ties with India. For long, Punjab had been the citadel of anti-Indian sentiment, and for the PML-N to win the province was a big achievement. A few months after the Lahore visit of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, in 1999, and the Kargil conflict, Sharif was removed in a coup by General Pervez Musharraf.
Post his removal, Sharif committed himself to the restoration of democracy and better ties with India. His unflinching support for the Lawyer’s Movement also resulted in a shift of narrative in Pakistan’s Punjab province, which was earlier considered pro-Army.
The Lawyer’s Movement clearly resulted in a significant shift. When the restoration of democracy took place in 2008, Sharif made two important contributions. First, he pitched for better ties with India, and in spite of withdrawing support from PPP government headed by Asif Ali Zardari, he did not destabilise the government and allowed the government to complete it’s tenure.
Before being elected as PM in 2013, Sharif had also sought an enquiry into the Kargil Conflict:
“I think such issues certainly need investigation, including the one which happened in Kargil. I think an inquiry commission should be held on Kargil as well,”
Sharif’s Pitch for Better India-Pak Ties
Sharif’s third term as PM, witnessed a power struggle between him and the Pakistan military. Finally, he had to resign in July 2017. In the first few months after his swearing in, tensions with India rose across the LOC, and on the eve of his meeting with the then Indian PM Manmohan Singh in New York, there was a terror attack in Jammu.
Within one year of taking over as PM, he had to face protests by Tahir Ul Qadri and PTI which were orchestrated by the establishment. Post the Panama paper leaks in 2016, his position continuously weakened forcing him to quit prime ministership as well as presidentship of the PML-N. There have been allegations of the judiciary and establishment working jointly to wreck Sharif.
While it is easy for many in Pakistan to dub Sharif as an Indian agent, he is a pragmatic businessman who realises the benefit of better ties with India, rather than being perpetually trapped in a zero-sum narrative. It would be pertinent to point out that while batting for better ties with India, Sharif has upped the ante on Kashmir at times, while playing to his gallery.
Yet his overall commitment to democracy in Pakistan, and his desire to normalise economic ties with India means he is not just the best bet for Pakistan, but also in the context of South Asia.
Imran Khan: The New Favourite of the Establishment
Imran Khan, supreme of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, could win the next elections with the backing of the establishment, with whom he has shared problems in the past, but has warmed up to recently. Only recently for instance, Imran Khan praised:
"The current military chief, Gen Bajwa, is probably the most pro-democratic man we have ever seen."
The Pakistan army itself has been trying to change its image, and been sending overtures to India (though on the other it has been lending support to Hafiz Saeed's political outfit).
It remains to be seen how the next elections actually pan out, whether Nawaz Sharif comes to power or not, he deserves kudos for taking on the army, and trying to reshape the narrative in Pakistan vis-à-vis the neighbourhood. It is for these reasons, that the past two decades have resulted in Sharif’s stature rising from a Punjab-centric leader to a pan-Pakistan leader.
In conclusion, Sharif’s political obituary has been written in the past, but he has bounced back and proved to be a survivor. While Pakistan needs to decide its own course, Sharif’s future is not just important for Pakistan, but equally important for the region.
Weakening of a popular leader, and one committed to a more integrated South Asia, is in no one's interest.
(Tridivesh Singh Maini is a New Delhi based Policy Analyst associated with The Jindal School of International Affairs, OP Jindal Global University, Sonipat, India. The views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same.)
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