The Samosa Caucus in the US Congress is shrinking, but going forward, there are ways to reverse it. Here are some takeaways from this year’s primaries: don’t embrace divisive leaders, shun campaign contributions that may be tainted, avoid battles over culture and identity, and focus relentlessly on economic issues like affordability.
It is, after all, such a paradoxical time to be Indian American. There’s been so much praise for the community (with Indian Americans themselves indulging in a good bit of self-praise) that one could be forgiven for thinking they’re a highly favored immigrant minority in Trump 2.0’s America. That’s hardly the case.
Brown immigrants, including Indian Americans, are a disfavoured minority, as are Black immigrants. Only White immigrants from nations like South Africa seem to be a favored minority today, though even they may be wary given how unpredictable the US has become.
Nevertheless, to touch on the paradox, it’s a good time for politically active non-White Democrats. Think of Zohran Mamdani’s astonishing breakthrough when he became Mayor of New York City. And this month, Abdul El-Sayed won a hotly contested Michigan primary to become the Democratic nominee for a US Senate seat. El-Sayed, an Egyptian American, is a physician like his Indian American wife. With only 35 Senate seats up for grabs in 2026, it’s a crucial race.
In the House of Representatives, where all 435 seats are up for election this November, we currently have six Indian Americans. The Senate has none. Seen in this context, the recent Indian American primary losses are sobering indeed. Indian Americans need more representation in Congress, not less.
Raja Krishnamoorthi of Illinois and Shri Thanedar of Michigan were defeated in the Democratic primaries, which means the so-called Samosa Caucus will be smaller in the next Congress, even if Indian Americans manage to pick up a new seat in the House.
That potential addition is Arizona’s 1st congressional district. Emergency Room physician Amish Shah, having won the Democratic primary, has a good chance in his affluent district, but it’s worth remembering that Arizona, while a swing state, has more registered Republicans than Democrats.
Meanwhile, Ami Bera, who has served in the House since 2013, was edged out by his Republican opponent in California’s open primary. But Bera is in the runoff that will determine the winner. Thankfully, Democrats Pramila Jayapal of Washington and Ro Khanna of California are expected to retain their seats in the House, while Democrat Suhas Subramanyam’s Virginia seat is safe. Newcomers Rakhi Israni, Bushra Amiwala, and Saikat Chakrabarti lost in their Democratic primaries.
Looking Into the Losses
In Illinois, Krishnamoorthi ran for a Senate seat rather than seeking another term in the House, where he has served since 2017. He was defeated in the Senate Democratic primary and is out of Congress. The state governor’s decision to back an opponent was among several reasons for his defeat, and so was the role of progressives, who are intolerant of any compromises that Democrats make with MAGA.
Krishnamoorthi accepted more than $90,000 from MAGA donors like Shyam Sankar, according to media reports. Sankar is the chief technology officer of Palantir, which works closely with ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement). Another supporter was venture capitalist Marc Andreessen, whose ties to MAGA and Trump are well known.
Then there was Krishnamoorthi’s cosy relationship with Modi and Hindu nationalists, some progressives say. He has had both agreements and conflicts with the Modi government. Could Krishnamoorthi have taken a tougher stance to curb the excesses of Hindu nationalism? Definitely.
Krishnamoorthi is a centrist and his decision to not rock the boat or his donor base, which includes BJP-leaning Indian Americans, didn’t sit well with his party’s ascendant wing. That contributed to his defeat.
Ro Khanna has been more adept at reading the room and responding to the concerns of progressives.
On the other hand, Shri Thanedar—defeated as well in a bruising primary contest—is a true believer who championed Modi and the BJP’s pro-Hindu nationalist agenda. Thanedar’s unconditional support for Bibi Netanyahu’s Israel also put him at odds with progressives and younger Democrats. In July, The Intercept reported that campaign finance filings showed that two-thirds of the money Thanedar raised in the previous quarter came from the pro-Israel group AIPAC.
Then there was this: Thanedar, who introduced a resolution condemning Hinduphobia, founded a caucus that pointedly left out Muslims and Christians. He seemed to be taking a leaf out of BJP’s own book of division. One can only imagine how Thanedar’s Hindu, Buddhist, Sikh, and Jain Caucus was received by the Democratic Party, which is, whatever its faults and internal divisions, a big tent that takes pride in being multiracial, multireligious, and multicultural.
The rise of progressives, whose energy and influence can’t be denied, raises questions about the Democratic Party’s prospects in the midterms. Yes, Trump is unpopular and there isn’t much enthusiasm among Republican voters. But while the Democratic Party has momentum, what about the voters in the middle, especially the independents? Will they turn out in sufficient numbers to vote for a party that they might view as having moved too much to the left?
To rephrase a line from a famous poem by W. B. Yeats, “Will things fall apart if the centre cannot hold?”
If passion matters in the primaries, what matters more in the general election is pragmatism. Progressives who won the nomination know, or should know, that economic concerns like affordable healthcare and housing, inflation, and well-paying jobs are uppermost in the minds of voters. Since turnout will be crucial in the midterms, the only battle that matters without alienating moderates is the battle over bread and butter issues.
Ironically, even candidates who embraced polarisation as the path to power are recalibrating their approach. For instance, Vivek Ramswamy, who’s in a tight race for the governor’s job in Ohio, seems to be distancing himself from Trump, the master polariser. Lydia Polgreen, a New York Times columnist who was reporting from Ohio, wrote: “He hardly mentioned Trump, and only in passing.”
That could be a winning strategy. But while Trump’s poll numbers have tanked, he remains popular with his base in red states like Ohio. So, while Ramaswamy can run, can he hide from Trump and still win? We’ll find out in November.
(This is an opinion piece. All views expressed are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for them.)