Sunday View: The Best Weekend Opinion Reads, Curated Just for You

In his weekly column for The Indian Express, P Chidambaram lays bare the dissonance between Narendra Modi’s freedom-infused invocation of “Journalism of Courage” and the stark reality of the current landscape of Indian media, wherein journalists are either driven by greed, or by fear. The Fourth Estate, as the former Finance Minister contends, is under a regime of consistent invisible censorship that constricts its democratic purpose.The words will be music to reporters who have tried, in vain for 11 years, to extract a press conference from the prime minister; they may hope, finally, Mr Modi will break his resolve not to answer questions from journalists at a live, televised press conference. The words would reassure editorial writers that they need not be perpetually on guard and write ‘balanced’ editorials sprinkled with phrases like ‘on the one hand’ and ‘on the other hand’. The words will motivate the naughty artist to take out his pencils and draw cartoons ‘sparing no one, not even the prime minister’. The words will be a shot in the arm for editors who have ‘buried’ numerous stories with a prayer ‘Reader forgive me for I know what I do’.P Chidambaram, for The Indian ExpressThe Indian Prime Minister might have offered hope to journalists with inspirational anecdotes of Ramnath Goenka, but in a nation that has not seen a single open press conference from him in 11 years, the rhetoric rings hollow. India, hence, must ultimately choose between a fear-stricken and a free press, for it cannot have both.In the same speech where he celebrated Ramnath Goenka, Narendra Modi also castigated Thomas Babington Macaulay for ‘destroying the Indian education system from its roots,’ when in fact, his own government preserves many of the very colonial vestiges he decries. In her column for The Indian Express, Tavleen Singh sheds light on how colonialism’s imprint is still prevalent in India, where Governors continue to live in grand palaces and district collectors retain enormous authority.Days after he delivered his lecture, the BJP government in Maharashtra issued written instructions ordering officials to stand when they spotted an MP or an MLA. I commented on this on ‘X’ and was deluged with posts from Hindutva types who said this was a valid order because elected representatives of the people take precedence over unelected officials. Why? Are they not supposed to be servants of the people? Is this attitude not a product of that colonial mindset? Does it not make elected officials think of themselves as rulers?Tavleen Singh, for The Indian ExpressThe Hindutva supporters have recently tried to conflate cultural pride with increased religiosity, but it does not equate to a comprehension of India’s philosophical heritage. What India needs is a true cultural revival, under the stewardship of credible historians and intellectuals.Through personal anecdotes, former journalist Rahul Jayaram casts a revealing light on another aspect of Indian media — one that fosters a pervasive culture of toxic leadership. Writing for Deccan Herald, he recalls how he was publicly denigrated for not following a ‘racist’ pitch by a media baron’s daughter, which led to professional alienation, and ultimately culminated in him leaving journalism.Over 25 years of employment, a decade in the media and a little more than that in higher education, I know what value I may bring to an organisation, and what I don’t. Over these years of traversing spheres in different print media and higher education, I’ve come to conclude that toxic bosses are now the norm and not the exception. Of course, rarely are two people or bosses toxic in the same way. Yet the one quality they all possess, in my experience, is that they always know better than you, the employee. It’s worse if your work specialism isn’t theirs: even if you may have spent half a lifetime on an aspect of your niche, they know it better than you.Rahul Jayaram, for Deccan HeraldToxic leadership has now become the norm, rather than an aberration, with employees being forced to navigate workplaces where authority is misused with impunity. Confronting and reforming the entrenched culture of toxicity, hence, is imperative for restoring the dignity of the Fourth Estate.Writing for Deccan Chronicle, Pavan K Varma analyses how Congress’s precipitous electoral decline was further highlighted by the recent Bihar Assembly elections, where the party secured only six seats. Once considered a national movement, Congress now suffers from dynastic fiefdom, systemic inertia and a culture of stifling dissent, which has ostracised leaders like Shashi Tharoor and Manish Tiwari.Has the Congress withered away? The question arises with every successive electoral setback. The idea of the Congress is still relevant, but the party that can implement it has tragically unravelled. 1984 was the last time the Congress got an absolute majority. Since then, it has lost a long series of Lok Sabha and state elections. The erosion has been particularly precipitate after 2014, with the rise of the BJP under Narendra Modi. If one adds up all the parliamentary seats the Congress has won in three successive national elections — 2014, 2019 and 2024 — it still adds up to 195, 78 seats less than a simple majority.Pavan K Varma, for Deccan ChronicleVarma contends that the Indian democracy cannot thrive without a strong national opposition to the ruling party, as regional parties alone cannot sustain a cohesive national discourse. The Congress must, hence, undergo profound reinvention, or cede space to a new alternative, which will entail a leadership free from hereditary entitlement.Further analysing Congress’s predicament, Karan Thapar argues that the party is now at a critical juncture following its crushing defeat in Bihar, with elections looming next year in Kerala, Assam, West Bengal, and Tamil Nadu. Writing for Hindustan Times, he observes that the party’s inability to convert apparent advantages into victory has sown doubt about its leadership of the INDIA alliance, with allies potentially perceiving them as a liability.After the National Democratic Alliance’s unbelievable victory in Bihar and the Mahagathbandhan’s shattering defeat, there are two questions that stare us in the face — why do the BJP and Narendra Modi keep winning? Why do the Congress and Rahul Gandhi keep losing? These are not easy questions to answer, but, equally, they are important questions to ask. So, let me offer a series of issues that seek to explore these questions.Karan Thapar, for Hindustan TimesQuestions have also been raised about the appeal of Rahul Gandhi, as he could not galvanise the youth vote despite being younger than Narendra Modi. With 2026 being critical, Thapar warns that if not for urgent reforms, Congress will allow the BJP to consolidate long-term dominance without a credible national opposition.Anita Katyal offers another analysis of the Bihar elections, but from the vantage of the ruling coalition. Writing for Deccan Chronicle, she contends the BJP, despite ceding the chief ministership to Nitish Kumar, has signalled their intention of not assuming a subordinate role by limiting JD(U)’s bargaining power.Unlike the past, Nitish Kumar’s bargaining power has been considerably reduced this time round. He does not have the option of threatening to walk on the BJP because he no longer has the option of teaming up with his old partners, the Rashtriya Janata Dal and the Congress since they don’t have the numbers to prop up an alternate government. So even as celebrations were in full swing in the JD(U) camp, there were murmurs that the BJP has already made it clear that it will not play second fiddle in this dispensation.Anita Katyal, for Deccan ChronicleThe alliance’s internal dynamics have fostered tensions, with conflicts being noted over key positions, where the BJP retained the claim on the Assembly Speaker and vetoed JD(U)’s proposal to appoint only one deputy CM. Since JD(U) cannot leverage past alliances with RJD or Congress, their negotiating position now stands considerably weakened, underscoring a recalibration of political power.In his piece for The New Indian Express, counter-terrorism expert Ajai Sahni explains how the back-to-back attacks in Delhi and Islamabad have further heightened tensions across South Asia, with the immediate chains of culpability being traced to militant networks. While the Red Fort car explosion is linked to a terrorist cell in Faridabad, Pakistan has held Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan militants and Afghan commander Saeed-ur-Rehman accountable for the suicide bombing in Islamabad.Nevertheless, the near-synchronous attacks in New Delhi and Islamabad can only rekindle the geopolitical fault lines that have long defined South Asia, especially the triangular tension among India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. External powers like the US and China are also likely to intensify their involvement in the fragile and hotly contested South Asian region. In this high-stakes environment, the temptation for all sides to resort to proxy tactics—supporting non-state actors, clandestine operations, or diplomatic pressure—rather than overt confrontation, can only grow. But the danger remains that misattribution, inflammatory rhetoric, or further attacks could unravel this tenuous balance, resulting in a more volatile and unpredictable security dynamic across the region.Ajai Sahni, for The New Indian ExpressWith the India-Pakistan-Afghanistan triangle already facing volatility, Sahni calls for careful diplomacy, with any misstep potentially triggering a broader conflict in South Asia. The governments are encouraged to favour clandestine operations over overt military confrontation.Writing for The Telegraph, CR Gharekhan examines Resolution 2083, which was passed at the UN Security Council on 17 November, with 13 votes in favour. Driven by the USA, the resolution endorses Donald Trump’s 20-point plan for the Israel-Palestine conflict, which includes a ceasefire agreement, disarmament of Hamas and withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza.In brief, the resolution endorses Trump’s 20-point plan for a ceasefire, the disarming of Hamas, the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza, among other conditions, that had been approved at the Sharm El-Sheikh summit on October 13. It sets up a Board of Peace, with unspecified membership, which, in effect, will be the governing authority in the Gaza Strip. Trump will chair the BoP and supposedly appoint its members. The BoP will be in command of an International Stabilization Force, which will consist of troops provided by countries that might be willing to do so for their own reasons. CR Gharekhan, for The TelegraphWhile the resolution is a diplomatic success for the USA, Gharekhan contends that its practical implementation will be met with formidable obstacles. Central to these concerns is the proposed Board of Peace, to be chaired by Trump, whose authority, composition, and operational mandate remain vague.Writing for The Statesman, SS Saxena elucidates how India’s multi-faceted pollution crisis extends beyond the obvious culprits like firecrackers, stubble burning and emissions from fossil-fuel vehicles. Even the presumed clean alternatives like electric vehicles (EVs) harbour hidden risks, ranging from battery fires to unsafe charging and disposal hazards.Can we celebrate without choking our neighbours? Can we innovate without sacrificing ecosystems? Can we mine without endangering workers? The answers lie not in denial but in choice. Light, not smoke, must define our festivals. Progress, not peril, must define our mobility. Sustainability, not exploitation, must define our future. Every winter haze is a reminder that our festivals, our vehicles, and our technologies are all interconnected in the fragile web of air, soil, and water; a reminder that responsibility begins not with grand declarations but with small acts of restraint, and also a lesson that the future we leave behind will be judged not by the brilliance of our lights, but by the clarity of our skies. As Robert Swan aptly said “The greatest threat to our planet is the belief that someone else will save it.”SS Saxena, for The StatesmanSaxena believes that the pollution problem cannot be tackled by isolated measures, but through a holistic approach rooted in accountability and regulation. Sustainable life choices, combined with technological innovation, are essential to preserve a livable environment.A Serendipitous Encounter With Urjit Patel…And Brutal Economic Sanctions'We're Not Bangladeshi': How SIR in Bengal is Taking on a Communal ColourWhy Does Watching a Film Today Feel Like Sitting for a Moral Science Exam?At COP30, Two Verbal Promises Made: Ending Fossil Fuels and Saving ForestsSC Says No Timelines for Governors. But Can Constitutional Silence Be a Veto?With Sheikh Hasina Convicted, Bangladesh Braces for a New Political Order

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Sunday View: The Best Weekend Opinion Reads, Curated Just for You

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