Last June, as I crossed into Georgia through its Lagodekhi border with Azerbaijan, I was welcomed by rows of Georgian and European Union (EU) flags adorning the main street.
“We’ve applied for EU membership and hope to join soon. That’s why we’re already flying the EU flag,” explained Ilona, my guide.
However, in Tbilisi – Georgia’s charming capital located 160 km away – the optimism seemed far less palpable.
Under the Georgian Dream government, the country has steadily drifted closer to Russia, while the leadership appears reluctant to fulfil the EU’s conditions for membership.
Yet, the people’s desire to join the EU was unmistakable. Almost everyone I spoke to expressed this sentiment. The public disdain for Russia was evident too – illustrated in the countless anti-Russian graffiti scrawled across the city walls. Photographs of this provocative artwork accompany this article, needing no captions to convey their message.
Protests Against Georgian Govt's Alleged Pro-Russia Tilt
Over the last few days, Georgia is experiencing significant political unrest, marked by widespread protests against the ruling Georgian Dream party's decision to suspend EU accession talks until 2028. This move has been perceived by many as a continuing shift towards Russia, straining relations with Western allies.
Thousands of Georgians have taken to the streets in Tbilisi, demanding the resumption of EU integration efforts. Protesters have faced a heavy-handed crackdown by authorities, including the use of tear gas and water cannons. Reports indicate that over 400 individuals have been arrested.
The political landscape has further shifted with the election of Mikheil Kavelashvili, a former professional soccer player known for his anti-Western views, as president. His election, conducted by a parliamentary electoral college dominated by Georgian Dream, has been criticised by opposition groups and outgoing President Salome Zourabichvili, as unfair.
Ever since it broke away from the Soviet Union in 1991, people’s power had reigned supreme in Georgia – and it remains to be seen if it will prevail again.
What Sparked the Unrest?
In November 2003, Edward Shevardnadze – Mikhail Gorbachev's foreign minister during the Soviet Union's collapse and the first president of independent Georgia – was forced to resign after 11 years in office, following three weeks of peaceful protests sparked by fraudulent parliamentary elections.
The peaceful Rose Revolution brought the 36-year-old Mikhail Saakashvili to power. A Columbia University graduate and pro-west leader, Saakashvili and his young, reform-minded team sought to rebuild Georgia as a modern, democratic state.
However, Saakashvili’s rule became increasingly authoritarian. Parliament became a rubber stamp, while the judiciary and police were beholden to his circle.
In 2008, Saakashvili’s decision to attack South Ossetia – a Russian-backed breakaway region – provoked a Russian invasion that led to Abkhazia and South Ossetia coming under Moscow’s control. Putin promised to severely punish Saakashvili if he aligned with EU or NATO. For Georgians, this only strengthened their resolve to break free from Russia’s grip and align with Europe.
The 2013 presidential election marked the end of Saakashvili’s repressive rule. His prime minister, Bidzina Ivanishvili – a reclusive Georgian oligarch who amassed his fortune in Russia – engineered a political takeover. Ivanishvili’s coalition, Georgian Dream, came to power pledging to restore relations with Russia. Georgy Margvelashvili, an Ivanishvili protégé, secured the presidency with 62 percent of the vote.
Saakashvili, the pro-west outgoing president, was hounded out of the country, stripped of his Georgian citizenship, indicted on several criminal charges and sentenced to nine years in jail in absentia.
Initially, the Georgian Dream upheld a pro-European stance, advancing Georgia's efforts toward European Union integration. The signing of the EU Association Agreement in 2014 and the introduction of visa-free travel to the Schengen Area in 2017 were regarded as significant accomplishments.
Shortly afterwards, Georgian Dream obstructed plans to construct a deep-water port at Anaklia on Georgia’s Black Sea coast – a strategic project supported by the US and the EU – that could have served as a base for NATO submarines. In return, the Kremlin reopened its markets to Georgian goods.
In June 2019, the sight of Sergei Gavrilov, a Russian MP allied with Putin and the Orthodox Church, delivering a speech in Russian from the Georgian parliamentary speaker’s chair sparked outrage. Thousands of young people took to the streets, not just in response to Gavrilov’s visit but also to express frustration with their own government.
Public anger was fueled by rising anti-liberal sentiment, a compromised judiciary, increasing crime rates, and the return of corruption and nepotism. Violence erupted, the riot police responded harshly, and the government’s waning legitimacy suffered another blow.
EU's Rejection of Georgian Membership
By June 2022, the EU rejected Georgia’s bid for candidate status – a critical milestone for full membership – while Ukraine and Moldova were accepted. The EU evaluates applications based on the stability of democratic institutions and economic resilience.
While recognising Georgia’s economic advancements, the EU voiced serious concerns about its democratic regression. It presented 12 critical reform recommendations, including enhancing judicial independence, protecting media freedom, and tackling corruption. The most urgent issue was “de-oligarchisation", an implicit nod to Bidzina Ivanishvili. Although Ivanishvili formally exited politics in 2021, his influence endures through loyal allies in key positions, such as Internal Affairs Minister Vakhtang Gomelauri, his former bodyguard.
Russia’s ties with Georgia also loomed large in EU deliberations. Despite widespread Georgian opposition to the invasion of Ukraine, the government refused to impose sanctions on Russia.
In response to the EU's reform demands, approximately 120,000 demonstrators marched to the Georgian Parliament, urging leaders to implement the proposed changes. However, the government showed little urgency in addressing these calls.
In 2023, tensions escalated dramatically when the Georgian Dream attempted to pass a controversial "foreign agents" law, which closely mirrored legislation used in Russia to stifle dissent. The law required organisations receiving foreign funding to register as agents of foreign influence, a move widely condemned as an attempt to silence civil society and suppress pro-European voices.
The Georgian public responded with fury. Tens of thousands of protesters flooded the streets of Tbilisi, waving EU flags and chanting for their country’s future in Europe. The scale and intensity of the demonstrations forced the government to withdraw the bill, but the episode underscored the growing divide between Georgian Dream and the aspirations of the Georgian people.
In the parliamentary elections held on 26 October 2024, the ruling Georgian Dream party secured a majority, obtaining 53.93 percent of the vote and winning 89 out of the 150 seats in parliament.
The election results have been contested by Opposition parties and international observers, who reported significant irregularities, including allegations of vote-buying, ballot-stuffing, and voter intimidation.
President Salome Zourabichvili, a pro-EU advocate – elected in 2018 as an independent candidate endorsed by Georgian Dream – has rejected the election results, describing them as a "Russian special operation" and called for public protests.
In response, thousands of Opposition supporters have taken to the streets in Tbilisi, demanding new elections and an investigation into the alleged irregularities. They are also protesting against the government’s decision to suspend EU accession talks until 2028.
As Georgia navigates this critical moment, the question remains: Will its leaders listen to the will of the people, or will the country’s European dream slip further out of reach? My feeling is “peoples’ power” will prevail, once again.
(Akhil Bakshi, an author and explorer, is a Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society and Explorers Club USA, and Editor of ‘Indian Mountaineer’. He is also the founder of Bharatiya Yuva Shakti, an organisation that ensures good leadership at the village level. He tweets @AkhilBakshi1. This is an opinion piece, and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same.)