In 2012, when Mayawati ceded power in Uttar Pradesh, she had only lost the official seat of government. With 80 seats in the 403-member Assembly and a decent vote share of around 26 percent (just 3 percentage points behind the winner Samajwadi Party), her party was the undisputed main Opposition. And with a healthy circle of second-rung leaders from Dalit and backward castes, and her enigma intact, Mayawati was still a force to be reckoned with.
The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) supremo enjoyed a level of command and aura that no Dalit politician in the country did or arguably ever has.
Thirteen years—and two UP Assembly and three general elections later—Mayawati’s BSP is grappling with an entirely different kind of issue: the spectacle and drama of family politics.
From being a contender for power, or a kingmaker at the very least, Mayawati, whose authoritarian ways are no secret, has regressed into a whimsical dynast-like figure, erasing the distinct identity the BSP boasted of as a grassroots Ambedkarite movement of the Hindu communities.
From Dalit Hope to Family Feud
In its quest for power, one of the key instruments deployed by the Narendra Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in recent years was to slander the Samajwadi Party (SP) and the Congress as family-centric parties. Modi had famously referred to the governments run by the two parties as “Baap-Bete ki Sarkar” (Mulayam Singh Yadav and Akhilesh Yadav) and “Maa-Bete ki Sarkar” (Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi).
Although Mayawati’s brother Anand Kumar’ business interests were heavily scrutinised during and after demonetisation in 2016, the allegation of parivarvad did not stick on her. She had no declared heir or family member directly in politics.
But a lot has changed, and today the BSP, which rose from India’s caste realities to provide the oppressed a share in power, finds itself in the same mess as many other parties have gone through.
The BSP has been reduced to a party of two families, the other being that of the influential Brahmin leader and Mayawati’s confidante, SC Misra.
Mayawati’s see-sawed treatment of her young nephew and heir-apparent Akash Anand epitomises the directionless manner in which the BSP has functioned in the last few years. The BSP has been on a steep decline, losing seats as well as leaders, including Kanshi Ram-era loyalists, dropping popular vote, and ceding the space of Bahujan politics to its opponents. Now, it is entangled in an unprecedented internal crisis.
At the centre of it is the way in which Mayawati has mishandled the budding political career of her nephew Akash.
The Akash Anand Rollercoaster
The foreign-educated Akash started his political journey by standing in for his aunt at a rally in Agra in the 2019 Lok Sabha election. Soon, Mayawati declared him as her successor and appointed him as the national coordinator of the party.
In the 2024 election, Akash, who was still learning the tricks of the trade, came into his own, as he delivered fiery speeches against the Modi government.
Akash caught the imagination of the Dalit youth and also the media. His aggression, youthful energy, accessibility, and simple delivery resonated with the common voter as well as the Ambedkarite thinker. It energised the BSP supporters who were tired of the bland and cold campaigns run by Mayawati. But all their hopes were dashed when Mayawati, inexplicably, clipped Akash’s wings in the middle of the election and dethroned him as her successor.
To add insult to injury, she publicly labelled him as “immature,” diminishing his political stature and exposing him to crude public scrutiny even before he could fully spread his wings.
Things turned worse this March when Mayawati expelled Akash from the party, days after expelling his father-in-law and former Rajya Sabha MP Ashok Siddharth. She argued that Akash had been influenced by Siddharth, whom she blamed for damaging Akash’s career and for creating factionalism within the BSP.
The expulsions shocked the core BSP supporters. Mayawati justified it by saying that she took the steps in the interest of the party and the movement. It is a matter of conjecture if Mayawati had thwarted a building coup against her or had simply overreacted.
What would be Akash’s next move? Will he rebel, join another party or withdraw from politics? This was hotly debated among Dalit circles in the state.
Then, on 13 April, a day before Ambedkar Jayanti, after a period of silence, Akash came out on X and capitulated before his aunt, describing her as his “only political guru and ideal.” Akash not only apologised to her, seeking another chance, but also vowed to not let his in-laws become an “obstacle” in the interest of the BSP. Mayawati responded by saying that since Akash had publicly apologised and vowed to not give in to his father-in-law, she would give him another chance. She also reiterated that there was no question of her declaring anyone as her successor.
That Mayawati apparently reconciled with her young nephew came as soothing news for BSP workers. But what purpose did the entire fiasco serve? Other than further discrediting the BSP and its leader Mayawati, and further diminishing the status of Akash, not much. From being projected as the hope for the future, Akash came out of all this as a hapless figure, a boy straightened out by his autocratic aunt.
As of today, Mayawati has no declared political successor. She has said she will continue to lead till her health permits. What role Akash will play in the party following his return is still unclear. All these have an impact on the larger Dalit politics in the state.
Symbolism Isn’t Strategy
The BSP’s family drama has little bearing on the lives of the millions of Dalits who continue to face institutionalised discrimination, segregation, and caste atrocities on a daily basis. Jobs are scanty and reservation is being diluted. Dalits aren’t being allowed to erect statues of BR Ambedkar or ride horses on their wedding day. Dalit MPs are being attacked and abused. Ambedkar is being appropriated by forces inimical to his ideology. Dalit politics appears to be rudderless and lacking leadership.
There is no dearth of issues through which Dalit politics can be galvanised. Yet, the BSP chief, with her immense popularity, has failed to reinvent herself and lead a concerted political campaign. The BSP is averse to agitational street politics and believes that the constitution can be safeguarded only through obtaining the ‘master key’ of power. This is partially true as Dalits are easy victims of state oppression and lack resources for a sustained campaign.
But Mayawati’s redundant political style, stagnant messaging, ill-advised strategy of appeasing “upper-castes” and dubious political alignment that often benefits the Hindu right-wing incumbent have all played a big role in the steady decline of the BSP’s fortunes. So much so that today, its main opponents, the SP and the BJP, are aggressively wooing the Dalit vote, including her community, the Jatavs.
The vacuum left by Mayawati’s inaction and aversion to ground politics also led to the mushrooming of smaller yet vocal Dalit outfits, the most prominent of them being the Bhim Army led by Chandrashekhar Azad, who is today an MP.
Akash was seen as Mayawati’s answer to any threats posed by Azad, who, despite not having a strong organisation, has a charismatic aura and confrontational style of politics that often keeps him in the headlines.
When Akash was declared as Mayawati’s heir, many saw it as the beginning of the long-term revival of the BSP, whose health is key to the bargaining power of Dalits in the electoral game as well as in governance. But the unceremonious manner in which he was disregarded and shunted has only created new questions for the BSP’s future.
The BSP’s internal conflict seems disconnected from the cry of the hour of the Dalit voter, who has been without a strong voice in the last two-three elections.
Mayawati does not visit Dalit bastis or victims of caste oppression. She does not participate in symbolic protests. She has stopped directly engaging with the common voter. Barring attending wedding events and checking in on her sole MLA in UP (incidentally, an upper-caste), she is hardly seen in public. She has almost nil presence in Parliament and state Assemblies. Her political messaging is still restricted to stray tweets, bland press notes and occasional video statements, which often fail to address the burning issues concerning her community or the larger Bahujan Samaj.
All signs indicate that the BSP is a sunken ship and even if a magical turnaround takes place, it cannot regain the same political hold it once enjoyed. The prospects are gloomy. But there is still a lot that Mayawati may do to keep alive the hopes and prevent further decline.
The Dalit Vote Is Up for Grabs
The Dalit voice is as important as the Dalit vote. Mayawati could start by allowing her nephew to grow out of her shadows and connect organically with the youth through his own active style, language, and appeal.
Mayawati’s story—the rise of a Dalit woman to rule one of India’s most caste-dominated and biggest states four times—will be recorded as one of the most significant developments in modern Indian history. But as things stand today, she fails to inspire her voters, especially those outside her caste. Her politics is bereft of action and vision and her unpredictable twists and turns with no end goal often leave her core supporters frustrated.
In Akash, however, at least young Dalits find a relatable voice. The BSP does not have any frontal organisations for the youth or at the student level. This has been one of its biggest shortcomings. And through Akash, who is just 30, the BSP can hope, in the immediate as well as in the long run, to connect better with this section, which is impatient, confrontational, and aspirational.
Mayawati would serve the BSP movement better if she mentors Akash as the next leader of the BSP, like Kanshi Ram mentored her. She has no other choice as the party has no second-rung leadership left. She is way past her prime and has nothing more than nostalgia of her last rule from 2007-2012 to sell.
Even the most disgruntled BSP workers do not want the BSP project to break or splinter. But they urgently crave a makeover and a smooth process of succession where Mayawati anoints Akash as her heir, grooms him as a leader, teaches him operational skills, and introduces him to electoral realities. And all this while ideally settling internal disputes behind closed doors.
Unlike other parties, the BSP does not have the cultural power to manipulate the media to propagate its agenda or damage control when things spill out.
Akash’s return to the BSP has, for now, put a lid on all adverse possibilities. The BSP is intact. Mayawati is in command and the nephew has surrendered to her. It is time for course correction. And the onus is now on the BSP supremo. Because, to put things into perspective, what Mayawati does or says doesn't just have ramifications for her politics and that of the BSP’s electoral future, but also determines the political weight and future of millions of Dalits, not just in UP but outside it as well.
Mayawati is still the tallest leader of the Dalits. It's only proper that she stops fiddling with the career of her nephew and comes to tune with the current aspirations and requirements of Dalit politics.
(Omar Rashid is an independent journalist who writes on politics and life in the Hindi hinterland.This is an opinion piece and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for them.)