Mueller Report: How the US Congress Can and Will Follow up
The Mueller report could possibly be the end of investigating the Russia scandal for Trump, writes Charles Tiefer.
Nor had there been much light shed on whether the president tried to obstruct the investigation into his campaign.
On the contrary, the version of the report released is only the start of wide-ranging and intensive House investigations.
1. Bring in Witnesses to Testify
The House will call some of the witnesses mentioned in the report for their full story, not just their cameo appearance in this incomplete report.
For example, from Michael T. Flynn, Trump’s first national security adviser. So, there are a number of contacts mentioned for the first time on the public record between Flynn and Russia that in my reading consistently demonstrate Trump’s partiality to Putin and Russia.
But, until we get a House public hearing with Flynn as a witness, we will not know the full story.
Why did Trump have such a strong bond with Putin? Did Trump have a personal reason, not some foreign policy reason, to favour Russia? Why did Trump push Flynn to be favourable to Russia?
The report does not say.
With Flynn, as with many others, the report is the start, not the finish, of getting the full story.
2. Intelligence Committee Investigation
But, the leadership cannot itself undertake an investigation.
This is the kind of material that normally goes to the entire . That committee can follow up with demands for documents and closed hearings. And that committee has the trusted expertise to determine that the conclusions of their inquiry can be made public, either via open hearings or by report to the House and the public.
The committee could determine what is actually known by investigators about how Russia viewed Trump and what Russia may have done that secured Trump’s favour.
3. Release Grand Jury Information
Furthermore, the report redacts not just classified information, but grand jury information as well.
And Barr may well have omitted, rather than redacted, invaluable grand jury evidence, especially documents.
4. Limit What’s Limited by ‘HOM’
This appears to have been done with a very broad brush. Under pressure from the House, backed by the public, this could be treated by Barr with a fine scalpel instead.
For example, one of the most promising avenues to investigate is the potential overlap between Russia’s attempts to help Trump, , and in making material damaging to Clinton public. Who can forget Trump shouting, “”?
Yet, Barr’s broad-brush redactions wipe out a whole section on WikiLeaks.
As the recent arrest of Assange makes clear, there is currently an investigation into his actions by the U.S., which has . That means that WikiLeaks’ interaction with the Trump campaign is not the heart of that judicial matter. Rather, the heart is about Assange working with hackers who stole the damaging material.
So the House should be allowed to pursue the part – WikiLeaks and its interactions with the Trump campaign – which is central to the House’s concerns but peripheral to prosecutors of Assange.
5. Documents, documents, documents
Finally, this is just Mueller’s report. Behind it is much more that would be of vital interest to congressional investigators and the public.
The House has every reason to seek and to receive the underlying information.
These various examples are just the beginning of what the House can seek to find as it takes off from the incomplete and redacted Mueller report.
When I was an attorney for the , we received far more encouragement and cooperation from independent counsel than is promised by Barr. And we went on to dig up striking material during months of hearings.
I believe the House will now pick up where the Department of Justice has left off.
(This is an opinion piece and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article here.)
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