A year into her imprisonment in Saudi Arabia, Sweety Akter had told her father she remained hopeful of returning someday. The last time they spoke, she had been in prison for more than three years. Days later, he learnt that his daughter had been executed.
Sweety's father, a day labourer, alleged to The Quint that the Bangladesh government had provided her with no legal assistance during her imprisonment. He now wants her remains repatriated and compensation for the family.
His daughter's execution, alongside that of another Bangladeshi, Nazrul Islam Abdul Basir, on 14 October, has provoked anger in Bangladesh. Questions about their alleged offences have been overtaken by concerns about the judicial proceedings, the absence of consular notification, and the government's ability to protect its citizens overseas.
Saudi Arabia's Interior Ministry said the two were executed for committing indecent acts inside a mosque in Mecca, violating its sanctity. Both were sentenced under ta'zir, a category of punishment determined through judicial discretion under Islamic law.
The Interior Ministry did not publicly explain the precise conduct involved. Meanwhile, Bangladesh says it was not informed of the death sentences or the executions beforehand.
A Death Sentence Dhaka Says it Never Knew of
The case has exposed a difficult aspect of Bangladesh's relationship with Saudi Arabia: the kingdom is its largest overseas labour market and biggest source of remittances, while the Bangladeshi authorities have limited visibility into some of the criminal proceedings involving their citizens there.
About 3.5 million Bangladeshis live and work in Saudi Arabia. In the fiscal year ending June 2026, they sent home $5.85 billion, accounting for 16.4 percent of Bangladesh's record $35.59 billion in remittances, according to Bangladesh Bank.
Saudi remittances rose 37.2 percent from the previous fiscal year, considerably faster than the 17.3 percent growth in overall remittance receipts.
The two executions have therefore raised questions beyond an individual criminal case: whether Bangladesh's overseas employment system, which generates billions of dollars in foreign exchange, provides adequate protection when its workers encounter foreign legal systems.
Nazrul and Sweety had been detained in Saudi Arabia since August 2023. Their executions came more than three years later, following proceedings that Saudi authorities say passed through the courts.
But the information available to Bangladesh's diplomatic mission appears to have been incomplete.
According to a confidential consular document reported by Daily Waadaa, a list of prisoners received by Bangladesh's consulate in Jeddah on 30 September identified the two under different allegations from those subsequently announced by Saudi Arabia's Interior Ministry. One was listed in connection with an adultery-related allegation and the other with an information technology-related offence. The list did not clearly specify that either faced execution.
The discrepancy has become central to Bangladesh's diplomatic inquiries. On 19 October, Bangladesh's consul general in Jeddah, Md Sakhawat Hossain, met Saudi foreign ministry official Farid bin Saad Al Shehri and submitted a diplomatic letter seeking answers to six sets of questions.
Dhaka wants to know the exact offences, the circumstances of the arrests, the contents of the court judgments, how the executions were carried out, where the bodies are being held and whether the defendants received legal representation.
It has also sought clarification on whether the two requested legal assistance.
On 21 October, foreign ministry spokesperson Shahidul Karim said Saudi Arabia had not yet responded. State Minister for Foreign Affairs Shama Obaed Islam said Bangladesh would decide its next steps after receiving the documents and discussing the case with Saudi officials.
State Minister Humaiun Kobir acknowledged lapses in diplomatic communication and described the executions as disappointing. But he also emphasised the sanctity of Mecca's religious sites and said the alleged conduct, if established, was unacceptable.
That response has drawn criticism from activists who argue that the nature of an allegation should not determine whether Bangladesh demands legal safeguards for its citizens.
Legal Loopholes
The legal questions are substantial.
Dr Shahab Enam Khan, professor of international relations at the University of Dhaka, told The Quint that the discretionary nature of ta'zir makes the proportionality of the punishment particularly important.
"The sentence was passed under ta'zir, which is discretionary. No scriptural penalty required death," he said.
Khan argued that international human rights standards reserve capital punishment for the most serious crimes, generally understood to involve intentional killing.
Saudi Arabia is not a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, but it has ratified the Arab Charter on Human Rights, which also restricts capital punishment to the most serious crimes.
"Whatever happened in that mosque, it was not murder. The punishment is grossly disproportionate," Khan said.
He added that withholding the precise nature of the offence prevented meaningful scrutiny of the judgment, particularly where defendants might depend on interpreters to understand proceedings.
The consular dimension raises another set of questions.
Bangladesh and Saudi Arabia are parties to the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations. Article 36 requires authorities to inform detained foreign nationals of their right to contact their consulate and, if requested, notify the consulate without delay.
Article 37 also contains provisions concerning notification of deaths, although its application to an execution requires legal examination.
Khan said Saudi Arabia might argue that the prisoners never requested consular notification, but the obligation to inform them of their rights remains.
He urged Bangladesh to obtain the complete trial records, establish how many of its citizens face capital punishment and negotiate mandatory notification arrangements within bilateral labour agreements.
"Saudi Arabia needs our workers, it’s not an act of charity," he said. "Quiet diplomacy is pragmatic, but quiet must not mean silent."
For John Quinley, Director of Fortify Rights, the lack of publicly available information is itself a serious concern.
"Executing people for an offence that has not been clearly disclosed raises grave concerns about proportionality, transparency, the right to life, and the right to a fair trial."John Quinley
He said the authorities should disclose the legal basis for the executions, explain the proceedings and establish whether the defendants had effective legal representation and consular assistance.
"The families deserve answers," he told The Quint.
Quinley also pointed to Bangladesh's continued use of capital punishment, arguing that its demands for protection abroad should be accompanied by reform at home.
"The protection of the right to life must begin at home and extend to every citizen, wherever they may be."
Billions in Remittances, Limited Protection for Workers
The executions have attracted particular attention because of the economic importance of Bangladesh's migrant workforce.
Bangladesh Bank figures show that the country received $30.33 billion in remittances in fiscal 2024-25 and $35.59 billion in fiscal 2025-26.
Saudi Arabia accounted for $4.26 billion in the earlier year and $5.85 billion in the latter, making it the largest source of remittance income.
In July and August 2026, the first two months of the new fiscal year, Bangladesh received another $1.15 billion from Saudi Arabia, an increase of 39.1 percent from the corresponding period a year earlier. These inflows support household consumption, provide foreign exchange for imports and strengthen the country's external finances.
Yet the financial contribution of migrants has not been matched by a consistently effective system of legal and welfare protection, according to migration specialists.
Marina Sultana, Director of Programme at the Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit, told The Quint that Bangladesh needs to reconsider an overseas employment model built heavily around recruitment and remittance earnings.
"Does sending workers abroad mean that we should send them at any cost?" she asked. Sultana said the country's large network of recruitment agencies and migration-related institutions had failed to guarantee adequate preparation, services, and protection.
She pointed to recruitment intermediaries, weak regulation, and insufficient institutional support as persistent problems.
"Our workers do not receive adequate support from our institutions. They often do not get proper assistance from embassies, and they face harassment at airports."Marina Sultana
Bangladesh's recruitment system frequently requires workers to navigate agencies, intermediaries and administrative procedures before departure. Once overseas, they may depend on employers for accommodation, documentation and continued employment.
Legal trouble introduces another set of obstacles, particularly when workers lack the money, language skills or institutional support needed to retain lawyers.
Khandakar Raquib, a doctoral researcher in anthropology at the University of California, Irvine, said the Saudi case demonstrates how little information can become publicly available about migrant defendants.
The Saudi announcement identified the convicted people, characterised their conduct as a violation of a mosque's sanctity and confirmed their punishment. It disclosed far less about the safeguards available during their prosecution.
"The offence and punishment are visible. The defendants' experiences within the judicial process are largely invisible," Raquib told The Quint.
He cautioned against interpreting the executions as a deliberate attempt to intimidate foreign workers, saying there was insufficient evidence to establish such an intention.
But the information imbalance, he said, becomes especially consequential when defendants are migrants whose families live far away and whose access to legal records, interpreters and lawyers may be limited.
The problem extends beyond the two executions.
According to information reported by news platform Prothom Alo, Saudi authorities sent Bangladesh a list of about 2,500 prisoners on 30 September. It identified 22 Bangladeshis as having been sentenced without specifying the nature of those sentences.
After Nazrul and Sweety were executed, Bangladesh sought further information about the remaining 20. Separate consular figures reported by Daily Waadaa identified 306 Bangladeshis held in western Saudi Arabia in morality-related cases, including 147 sentenced to prison terms ranging from one month to 15 years.
These figures do not establish how many Bangladeshis face execution. They do, however, illustrate the scale of the monitoring task confronting the country's diplomatic missions.
Raquib said the legal obligations owed to an accused person should remain separate from any judgment about the alleged offence.
"A person can be accused of a serious offence and still be entitled to a fair trial, effective legal representation and access to consular assistance."Khandakar Raquib
Sultana wants the government to evaluate overseas employment using measures beyond the value of money sent home.
"Whenever we count remittances, we should also count whether we are sending workers abroad with proper services and decent jobs," she said.
She also called for greater investment in training, stronger recruitment oversight and diversification beyond Saudi Arabia and other Middle Eastern destinations.
A Diplomatic Test for Bangladesh
The executions have placed Dhaka in a sensitive position with one of its most important economic and diplomatic partners.
Saudi Arabia is not only Bangladesh's biggest overseas employment destination. It also occupies a central position in the country's religious, commercial and diplomatic relationships.
Successive Bangladeshi governments have sought to expand labour recruitment and maintain close ties with Riyadh. The current government must now pursue answers about the executions without disrupting a relationship that supports millions of Bangladeshi households.
Saudi Arabia has also faced sustained international criticism over its use of capital punishment.
According to figures cited by UCA News from Amnesty International, the kingdom carried out 356 executions in 2025, compared with 122 in 2024. Foreign nationals have featured prominently in recent execution cases, including those involving drug offences.
The Saudi government maintains that its judicial system applies domestic law and that sentences are reviewed through established legal procedures.
The case has also produced a political backlash in Bangladesh.
On 17 October, Deputy Foreign Minister Shama Obaed faced criticism after referring to Saudi Arabia's legal framework and describing the executions as a lesson, according to UCA News.
Activists and commentators questioned why the government's initial public statements appeared to emphasise the alleged offence rather than the absence of advance notification.
For Khan, the priority is to establish safeguards before another Bangladeshi worker reaches the same position. He proposed dedicated funding for legal defence in capital cases, systematic monitoring of prisoners, and binding notification procedures negotiated with receiving countries.
Sultana sees the issue as part of a larger institutional failure requiring changes in how Bangladesh recruits, prepares and supports its overseas workforce. "We need to ask ourselves what we are doing to protect them," she said.
The Quint has reached out to Bangladesh's Foreign Ministry for a response. This copy will be updated as and when they respond. Nazrul's family, too, declined comment.
(Faisal Mahmud is an independent journalist reporting on news and politics from Dhaka, Bangladesh.)