“…. it is a perception. We are locked in the perception of being strong. Neither India nor we realise that the strong can also be vulnerable.” In his book Panjab: A Journey Through Fault Lines, author Amandeep Sandhu quotes these words of late activist and writer Satnam (Jungalnama). The ongoing historic floods in Punjab reflect exactly this sentiment. People remain in chardikala - high spirits, yet they still need help. While the Government of India has so far neither announced funds nor declared this a national disaster, Punjab continues to struggle on its own, embodying the paradox of being both “strong” and “vulnerable.”
It has been more than 15 days since Punjab, along with neighbouring states, has faced devastation from massive floods caused by heavy rainfall and record water releases from dams. More than 3.75 lakh acres of land, including around 1,200 villages, have been submerged. The Government of Punjab has declared the entire state a “disaster-affected state” under the Disaster Management Act, 2005. At least 31 people have lost their lives, and thousands have been evacuated.
In terms of the magnitude of water and affected areas, these floods are being described as the most devastating since 1988. In these difficult times—when neither the Government of Punjab nor the Government of India has provided financial aid—Punjab is receiving immense help through the solidarity and networks built during the farmers’ protest. While neighbouring state governments such as Haryana, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh, as well as union territories like Chandigarh and Delhi, have not sent official assistance, farmers and activists from these regions, who forged bonds during the 2020–21 farmers’ protest, have come forward strongly in solidarity with Punjab.
Legacy of Farmers' Protest
Sociologist Robert K. Merton, in his classic text Social Theory and Social Structure (1949), distinguishes between manifest and latent functions. According to Merton, manifest functions are deliberate and consciously intended outcomes, while latent functions are unintended yet positive consequences. If the repeal of the three farm laws of 2020 is considered the manifest function of the protest, the support Punjab is now receiving from these networks is a perfect example of a latent function. Though unintended, these solidarities are leaving a profound positive impact.
We argue here that the victory of the farmers’ protest was not only about repealing the farm laws, but it also created long-term associations among communities that the state and communal elements often tried to portray as enemies.
These networks include not just farmers but also social activists, singers, actors, scholars, retired bureaucrats, and journalists. The bonds formed during the protest continue today - they attend each other’s weddings, stand together in grief, and unite against oppressive policies. Journalists and scholars have played a key role, sharing information and ensuring coverage, while farm unions have provided ground-level updates. Many YouTube-based journalists who became credible voices during the farmers’ protest gained their reputation precisely because of their pro-farmer reporting.
One major difference between the horrible floods of 1988 and the present disaster is communication. In 1988, there were limited sources to communicate information about rainfall, water level and inflow/outflow from dams, the conditions of dhussi bandhs, and the specific requirements during floods. In 2025, all these spaces are well connected via social media.
‘Tractor2Twitter’, which emerged as a strong platform during farmers’ protest, has been continuously giving realtime updates about the situation in the Punjab.
Similarly, hundreds of Instagram accounts that started during the protest have emerged as credible sources of information in these floods. The beauty of these platforms is that they not only provide updates and ask for donations, but also question the state and central governments.
Solidarity from Neighbouring States
Today, there is a flood, not just of water, but of human assistance and relief material too. From Haryana, Rajasthan, western Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, and Chandigarh, people are helping in every possible way. The main roads leading from Haryana to Punjab are lined with tractor-trolleys, some heading in with relief materials, others returning after distributing them. Where the state has left people to fend for themselves, peasantry across northern India is standing with Punjab, using the very links created in the farmers’ movement.
With “Haryana Punjab Bhaichara Zindabad” banners flying, Simran Singh Dhindhsa of Kurukshetra, who camped at the Singhu border throughout the protest, is now heading towards Gurdaspur with nine tractor-trolleys full of dry rations, fodder, oil, water, and medical kits. Simran became friends with singer Resham Singh Anmol during the protest. Now, when Punjab needs help, he called Resham, already working with farm union teams in Gurdaspur, and coordinated relief efforts through those same friendships.
From Sikar district in Rajasthan, over 550 km from Ajnala in Amritsar, Hari Garhwal is driving his Jeep to join members of the Kisan Mazdoor Sangharsh Committee. Similarly, Virendra Singh Mor from Milakpur village in Alwar has collected ₹1.34 lakhs to send to Amritsar. Farmers from Gharsana and Anupgarh in Rajasthan are on their way to Fazilka.
In Ambala district, Tejveer Singh, spokesperson of BKU (Shaheed Bhagat Singh), and his team are preparing to adopt a flood-affected village near Harike. They collected relief material from more than a dozen villages named Neola, Jalbeda, Jhatwar, Sujangarh, Naraingarh, Manji Sahib, Balana, Mohri, Shahpur, and are sending it to Ajnala and Sultanpur Lodhi, where leaders like Sarwan Singh Pandher, Balwant Singh Behramke, and Manjit Singh Rai are already active. Tejveer and Sarwan first coordinated during the protest in 2020 and have remained close friends since.
Samita Kaur, an environmental activist from Chandigarh, travelled to Ajnala with Progressive Farmers Front President Guramaneet Singh from Palia district of Uttar Pradesh, whom she met during protest mobilisations in Chandigarh and Mohali. Together, they contacted their old protest networks to ensure villagers faced no shortages. Muslim peasants from Haryana’s Mewat region have also left for Anandpur Sahib with relief materials, mobilised through old andolan friendships. Farmer leader Rakesh Tikait has likewise been in Punjab for days, engaged in relief efforts in Doaba.
Within Punjab too, these comradeships are thriving. Md Abdul Rahman of Jhandi village from Patiala and his fellow villagers have decided to support their friend Laadi in Batala by helping remove sand and silt from his fields, once the flood water is gone.
These solidarities extend beyond the floods. From the Mattewara morcha, Zira morcha, wrestlers’ protest, Bandi Singhs’ protest, Kale Pani da morcha, and protest for Panjab University senate elections, to the ERCP canal struggle in Rajasthan, the justice movement in Piploda (Jhalawar, Rajasthan), and the demand for Bhil Pradesh, these networks have acted as strong pressure groups across the region.
The issue of canal water is one of major cause of conflict in Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan. While the peasantry across these states faces almost the same issues of higher input prices, lower costs of produce, climatic challenges, huge agricultural debt, they have been presented as enemies by the communal forces and state powers. Farmers’ protest tried to bring them together. Initially, it was expected that the comradeship was temporary but seeing the unconditional love for Punjab shows that these community bonds will not fade away soon.
(Harinder is a PhD student at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India. Nishtha holds a degree in Politics and International Relations from SOAS, University of London, UK. Both became friends during the Farmers’ Protest 2020–21.)