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Understanding Grassroots of Ganga-Jamuni Tehzeeb ft. Shashi Tharoor & Rana Safvi

Shashi Tharoor & Rana Safvi discuss how the centuries-old Ganga-Jamuni Tehzeeb is being distorted in modern times.

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Alternating between history and present-day fault lines, writer and politician Shashi Tharoor and reputed historian Rana Safvi engaged in a conversation building from the phrase ‘Ganga-Jamuna Tehzeeb’ and how amidst India’s rising polarisation, the phrase has become distorted, and in some sense, dismissed.

The event was hosted by the Naadvistaar Foundation, music partner of the ‘Intangible Cultural Heritage’ programme of UNESCO in Delhi.

Featuring stellar performances by flute maestro Shivit Prasanna of the Banaras Gharana and Tabla prodigy Shariq Mustafa of the Farukhabad Gharana, what also has the audience intrigued was the discussion between Tharoor and Safvi on the origins of Ganga-Jamuni Tehzeeb.

The Ganga Jamuni Tehzeeb isn’t just history; it has been a lived reality for centuries. Born out of the Sufi and Bhakti movements, Hindus and Muslims, two radically different communities, coexisted peacefully. Amir Khusro once said in the 1300s: “I am a follower of the religion of love, neither Brahmin nor Moselman.” That is essentially what the Tehzeeb is all about.

But today, from colonial rule to modern politics, religion has often been twisted into a tool of division.

“It’s something which is considered an expletive now,” renowned historian Rana Safvi bluntly pointed out during her discussion with Lok Sabha MP Shashi Tharoor at the event.

Throughout an hour-long dialogue, both speakers used personal stories, historical facts and no-holds-barred political observations to discuss how India's centuries-old culture is being frayed.

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'Syncretism Isn't Just a Slogan'

Tharoor, who grew up in 1960s Bombay, never remembered religion as a drawing line. “Friends came from every conceivable religious background. I was never made aware that there was something different about them because of their religion.” But what was once taken for granted, he said, can no longer be assumed. “A young Muslim friend told me her then seven-year-old son was told by playmates in the building, ‘I can’t play with you because you’re a Muslim.’ And the irony is her husband is a Hindu. But that half is what defined the boy in the eyes of others.” “To my mind, that is deeply, deeply dismaying,” he added. “A toxin has been injected into the veins of our society.”

Sharing a personal anecdote, Safvi tried to emphasise how culture once crossed lines of faith. Her grandfather, the Diwan of Benaras, arranged for Ganga water to be sent to the young Kashi Naresh while he was studying in College. “The Kashi Naresh could only bathe or drink Ganga-Jal,” she said. “From Akbar to Bahadur Shah Zafar, everyone drank Ganga water. It was called Abi Zamzam.” She also pushed back against the perception that Urdu is inherently Muslim. “Languages belong to communities, not religions.”

Syncretism isn’t just a slogan; it's how people actually lived in India. Muslims made Ram Leela idols, and Hindus did paint Muharram frescoes. But today, as Tharoor says, “For the first time in our history as an independent nation, we have a ruling party without a single elected Muslim MP or MLA in any legislature in the state or national. That’s very dismaying.”

The Risks of 'Revenge History'

By trying to ‘revenge history’ through disputes over current religious sites, we repeat the same mistake- viewing the other side as enemies beyond reason. “Yes, there were temples where mosques were deliberately built on top. But it would be even more wrong to seek revenge 300 or 500 years later by punishing people who had nothing to do with those original offences.”  Speaking on the issue that now surrounds the Gyanvapi Mosque, Tharoor pointed out the blatant hypocrisy: “Do you want to hurt and wound the people who are now worshipping in that mosque and have been doing so for 300 years to prove some point about history?”

It’s not just about religious divisions but how identity is now being turned into a political weapon. “We don’t make common cause as Indians anymore. We identify each other by religion, caste, and political allegiance. And then we become enemies.”

During the anti-CAA protests, some Muslim students at Jamia even opposed Tharoor’s invitation to speak because one of his messages was don’t protest as Muslims, protest as Indians. “What’s wrong with this law is that it challenges your rights as Indian citizens, and if that’s is the basis of your protest, all of us stand with you.” “But if your protests consist of readings from the Quran and prayers, aren’t you reinforcing the stereotype of you as the other that the bad guys are trying to push?”

Both speakers made it clear as day that ignoring what’s happening isn’t an option. Civilisation exists to keep our worst instincts in check and it’s the job of those in power to help do that.

Politicians who stir up identity divisions for votes are playing with fire; it starts with division, leads to hate, and ends in violence. That’s how a country tears itself apart. “We’re often accused of being nostalgic,” Tharoor said. “Maybe. But the bigger danger is amnesia. If the next generation doesn’t fight to keep this kind of common sense alive, we’re going to lose it.”

With CRCI, Contenporary Marketing, NIV Art Center, as official partners, the event was co-hosted by Nihal J. Krishan, Journalist with the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) and senior contributor to The Hindu in New Delhi; Dhruv Sangari Bilal Chishty, Executive Director Naadvistaar Foundation and renowned Sufi singer; Ankush Seth, former National Programme Officer for Culture, UNESCO New Delhi; and Awnesh Gulati, Founder of Global CIO Conclave and Contenporary Marketing.

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