Pranab Mukherjee, former President of India, is our greatest living political insider. For more than 45 years, he has been an (and sometimes the most) important player in Delhi’s ‘Game of Thrones’.
The third (and concluding) volume of his political trilogy was released in late-October. Here is a snapshot of what Mukherjee reveals in The Coalition Years, (Rupa, 2007, pp Rs 595, pg 278).
The book spans 1996, when Congress led by PV Narasimha Rao lost the Lok Sabha elections, to 2012, when Mukherjee became the President of India. Below are a few excerpts from The Coalition Years:
On PV Narasimha Rao and the Congress’ Defeat, 1996:
“This electoral loss was inexplicable, given that it came after PV’s exemplary steering of the economy through the balance of payments crisis and the introduction of major economic reforms. PV, however, was not surprised.”
The fact was that in the initial phase, economic reforms largely affected the elite, and the potential benefits were yet to percolate to the masses.
“What were the other issues that went wrong? One, the alienation of Muslims as a consequence of the Babri Masjid issue…. PV’s inability to prevent the demolition of the masjid was one of his biggest failures – and that had a catastrophic effect on the fortunes of the party. Two, it was the inability to structure effective alliances.”
On Sitaram Kesri (1996-98)
“Kesri’s tenure as treasurer was 16-years-long and he became the butt of a few jokes within the AICC, with one being about his accounting procedures: “Na khaata, na bahi, jo Kesri ji kahen wo sahi.’
During his long innings as treasurer and later as Congress president, I shared an excellent working relationship with Kesri.”
So why did Congress withdraw support (to IK Gujral-led United Front II government)? What did Kesri mean by his oft-repeated statement, “Mera paas waqt nahi hai” (I have no time)? Many Congress leaders interpreted this as his ambition to become Prime Minister.
After the 1998 Defeat
“In the Congress Constitution, there is an elaborate provision for the election of the Congress president, but no provision for removal.”
(In 1998, after Jitendra Prasada and Sharad Pawar approached him to find a way to sack Kesri) … “Prasada asked me to find a solution as… I possessed in-depth knowledge of the Congress Constitution and its rules… I studied the matter, and finally did find a solution.”
“The Congress Working Committee (CWC) had the power to meet such a situation. Since I knew the intricacies of the Congress Constitution, I was asked to prepare and operationalise the plan… In order to maintain secrecy, it was also agreed that the matter would not be discussed further.”
On Mentor Indira Gandhi, Post 1998 Election Defeat
“Nehru had believed in a strong, cadre-based and inclusive organisation, but after him, this belief was lost. Indira Gandhi divided the political spectrum, and slowly the Congress’ organisational structure as well.”
On Atal Bihari Vajpayee
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“Atal Bihari Vajpayee was a consummate Parliamentarian. With an excellent command over the language, he was a great orator who instantly connected with people and brought them together.”
On Palaniappan Chidambaram
“Chidambaram has presented the second highest number of budgets in the country, after a record 10 by former PM Morarji Desai. He is intellectually sharp and well-informed, though he sometimes appears to be arrogant because of his very strong convictions and style of presentation.
Much has been talked about differences between Chidambaram and me. I will say that any differences that there might have been, were due to our different perspectives on the economy.”
On Sonia Gandhi
“I believe this detachment and her decision of not being aligned with anybody in particular is her greatest strength…Like other illustrious members of her family, Sonia has adopted a truly pan-India approach…”
“Looking back, I can say that as the longest serving Congress president, Sonia’s positive contribution to strengthen the Congress party has not received due attention in the analysis of contemporary political observers…”
As an astute and pragmatic political leader, she realised that ruling (during UPA I and II coalitions) with an absolute majority in Parliament may be a distant goal, but not an immediately achievable one.
(16 July 2012, after winning the Presidential election)
“At the end of the meeting I told her, ‘Madam, this would perhaps be my last meeting with you at your residence, since after 25 July, it would not be possible for me to come and meet you. I have visited your residence since Rajiv shifted to this house in 1990. In the last two decades, we have met countless times, shared views and argued on numerous occasions.’
She was also visibly moved and told me, almost in a choked voice,‘Pranabji, I will miss you.’
‘This will remain a cherished memory for me,’ I said. Thereafter, I left.”
On Mamata Banerjee
“Mamata Banerjee is a born rebel…
(During the chaos over state Congress elections in 1992)
“… Mamata suddenly flared up and accused me, along with other leaders, of a conspiracy against her...I was flabbergasted by her reaction and wild allegations... I was stunned and felt humiliated and insulted.”
(16 July 2012, a month after Mamata had vehemently announced her total opposition to Mukherjee’s Presidential bid):
Before my departure for the (Chandigarh) airport, Pradyut Guha (Mukherjee’s PA) took me aside and told me that he had just received a message from Mamata Banerjee. He read it out: ‘Tell Dada not to worry about me.’
“I had always had a feeling that Mamata would come around, which is why I had maintained a stoic silence all along and ignored all comments, including abuses, from her cronies…”
“Mamata Banerjee is a true politician. It was not that she did everything casually or as per her whims and fancies… Her decision was to support me ‘with a heavy heart’ – the term she expressed before the media.”
Major successes in two consecutive elections (2009 Lok Sabha and 2011 Bengal assembly) …had created an aura of her (Mamata Banerjee) being a major player in national politics.
On Policy Slowdown and GoMs
“This was the period when I headed the maximum number of Groups of Ministers (GoMs and Empowered Groups of Ministers, EGoMs.” (Mukherjee chaired a total of 95 of these to decide on every important policy matter)
“In the early days of UPA-I, Manmohan Singh expressed his displeasure at the delayed decision-making at Cabinet meetings, despite detailed discussion and multiple interactions... I agreed with him, and knew that the situation was a function of the fact that UPA-I and II were coalitions of diverse political parties… As an immediate response, I suggested that Singh give me the floor at the beginning of the next Cabinet meeting… Singh agreed and it was done. Then, very candidly, I made some observations, “I am asking myself, after attending the previous Cabinet meetings, what are we doing here? Do not mind if I say I have the longest experience as a minister in the Union Cabinet than any of you around this table. I have never seen such Cabinet meetings. The Cabinet is not a talking shop. It is the highest decision-making body in the Union, which presides over the fate of such a vast multitude of people in the Indian subcontinent…”
There was much consternation with someone saying, ‘In that case, the UPA government would collapse. We cannot accept your dictatorship.’ I was equally strong in my response. ‘I have a responsibility with 147 members in the Lok Sabha. I do not find it acceptable that a party with just a dozen members harasses the largest party in the coalition. We must deliver and fulfil our commitments. Otherwise what is the purpose of running a government?’…
My show of temper did not make me popular with my colleagues, but I felt that it was necessary in the long-term interests of governance.”
On Sharad Pawar and Balasaheb Thackeray After Thackeray’s Unexpected Support for Mukherjee as President
“I had asked both Sonia Gandhi and Sharad Pawar – who was instrumental, I think, in influencing Thackeray towards me – whether I should meet Thackeray during my visit to Mumbai… Sonia Gandhi advised me to avoid it if possible. Sonia Gandhi’s reservations about Thackeray were based on her own perception of his policies.
“Expectedly, Sharad Pawar’s advice was completely different. Pawar insisted that I meet Thackeray since he and his followers were waiting to receive me at his residence and had made elaborate arrangements for my visit. Pawar added that Thackeray would consider it a personal insult if I did not meet him during my visit to Mumbai…”
“The meeting was very cordial. He (Thackeray) told me that it was but natural for the Maratha Tiger (the Shiv Sena’s symbol) to support the Royal Bengal Tiger…”
I had known Thackeray as a politician with a sectarian approach, but at the same time, I could not ignore the fact that the man had gone out of his way to support my candidature.
On How and With Whose Assistance Son Abhijit Won Elections to his Former Lok Sabha Seat
“Nothing. Sure, 2014 falls outside the scope of this book. But shouldn't the smooth handover of 2012 to his son be mentioned?”
(The writer is a Delhi-based senior journalist. He can be reached at @AbheekBarman. This is an opinion piece and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same.)
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