(Extracted with permission from Pinak Ranjan Chakraborty's book Transformation Emergence of Bangladesh and Evolution of India-Bangladesh Ties, published by KW Publishers Pvt Ltd. Paragraph breaks have been added for readers’ convenience).
When I arrived in Dhaka on 7 January 2007, Bangladesh was teetering on the brink of chaos. The new CTG took over on 11 January 2007 and this day became known as Bangladesh’s 1/11, taking off from 9/11.
The Army told President Iajuddin Ahmed to declare an Emergency and suspend the Constitution. Tarique Rahman's supporters in the President’s office were dismissed and physically removed by the Army’s representatives, reportedly led by Lt General Masud Uddin Chowdhury, a former member of the Rakkhi Bahini. President Iajuddin was forced to resign as CTG and the Advisers were also told to resign. Iajuddin continued as President.
Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed, an eminent economist, a former World Bank employee, and former head of the Central Bank, took over as Chief Adviser of the CTG and Head of Government, a position akin to the Prime Minister.
After Dr Fakhruddin assumed charge as Chief Adviser, I telephoned him to extend my congratulations. He graciously accepted my felicitations.
How CTG's Extension Of Tenure Served Bangladesh
Though the CTG remained in power for around two years, in violation of the Constitution, its tenure lent stability to the country. The law and order situation improved considerably as the security forces cracked down on crime and street protests stopped under the Emergency laws.
Nine other Advisers, largely neutral, were appointed. Dr Iftikhar Ahmed Chowdhury, popularly known as "Ifti”, a distinguished diplomat, became the Foreign Adviser.
"Never before had a military-backed government in the country got as much popular support as the Fakhruddin government. Its task was to conduct credible parliamentary elections by creating a level playing field and handing over power to an elected government. But it fixed a higher agenda for itself: to flush out crime and corruption, which had bedeviled the country’s political culture.”
During the CTG’s tenure, Iftikhar remained my main interlocuter on bilateral issues. I had not presented credentials which had been fixed for 14 January.
Also, Bangladesh witnessed an active backroom role of the Army then headed by Gen Moeen U Ahmed. There was palpable fear among politicians, bureaucrats, and businesspersons when the CTG started its anti-corruption campaign.
Rampant Corruption Charges Against Politicians
The crackdown created panic. During the CTG period from 2007-2008, the tax authorities with help from the National Security Intelligence (NSI) and Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), were the most active in tracking corruption cases and sending politicians and businesspersons to jail for possessing unaccounted wealth and not paying taxes.
I was inundated by requests for visas from politicians and businesspersons who were targeted for corrupt practices and unaccounted wealth. They all wanted to take the first flight out of Dhaka. Hasina, Khaleda, and Tarique were among many political leaders arrested and imprisoned on corruption charges.
Many businesspersons negotiated their freedom by paying pending taxes and fines while some escaped abroad. The CTG wanted to make an example of the corrupt and several thousands were arrested and charged.
As High Commissioner during this period, I interacted regularly with the Director General (DG), DGFI, and his deputies who briefed me on the evolving situation. I recall a sudden call from a senior political AL leader saying he had been picked up by the anti-corruption officials. He was released and later surfaced in Agartala and called me to say that he had crossed over with nothing but the clothes he was wearing. I helped him to move to Calcutta. He lived there, till the AL government returned to power in 2009.
How the CTG’s Intervention Reformed Bangladesh’s Politics
The Army-backed CTG took on the huge and clearly impossible task of reforming Bangladesh’s polity. The Judiciary was re-organised and all governmental institutions were cleansed of corrupt and partisan officials.
The Election Commission (EC) was reformed along non-partisan lines, the voter’s list was revised and bogus voters were expunged from the list. It was discovered that the BNP- JEI government had managed to insert around 20 million bogus voters in the voters’ list. The CTG did a commendable job revising it and issued a photo identity card to each voter.
The CTG and the Army worked in tandem and they did not begin with any fixed roadmap, apart from correcting systemic dysfunctions and reducing corruption. It can best be described as a "hybrid arrangement".
The CTG’s goals were unexceptionable. They improvised as they went along. Gen Moeen and I interacted regularly, as he seemed keen to reach out to selected heads of foreign missions. Moeen was navigating both domestic and external pressures and did not want the Army’s intervention misunderstood. He told me several times that the Army would withdraw when the time was ripe.
India's Engagement with the CTG and its Reflection On Bilateral Ties
India had watched these developments with some apprehension and the first thought was about the Army launching a coup and Bangladesh going back in time. India’s concerns included the worry that the Bangladesh Army might start emulating Pakistan’s Army and decide to entrench itself in the power structure.
Bangladesh’s Army was cautious and wisely refrained from taking over power directly. It was a good move that helped shield the Army from international sanctions.
India had decided to engage with the CTG and not quibble about its legality. One reason was the concern about instability and the impeccable credentials of Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed. Historically, India had engaged with Bangladesh regardless of the nature of the government in Dhaka. Hence, the decision to engage with the CTG was in accordance with India’s policies towards sub-continental neighbours.
Both Fakhruddin and Moeen became key interlocuters and were invited to visit India. When Fakhruddin met PM Manmohan Singh they got along well. They knew each other as economists and technocrats. Manmohan’s opening line put everyone at ease. With a smile, he welcomed Fakhruddin by saying – “Excellency, we are both in our respective chairs by accident”. Manmohan Singh, inter alia, raised the issue of Bangladesh hosting Indian insurgent leaders and their camps. Fakhruddin ducked the issue.
It appeared that he had not been briefed adequately on this or wanted to avoid this sensitive issue.
Later, Moeen also visited India and met External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee. India’s desire to see the return of democracy to Bangladesh was conveyed to both visitors. The other major issues raised were terrorism, Indian insurgents, religious radicalism, and bilateral infrastructural connectivity.
While these engagements were on, Moeen conveyed to me that they had tried to arrest the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) leader Paresh Barua but he fled to Myanmar. Whether this was the truth or not was difficult to judge.
Baruah may have been told to leave Bangladesh. There was speculation that the Bangladesh Army may have killed two birds with one stone.
India’s Role in Soldering of Relationship With Its Neighbour
Paresh was deeply connected with sections in the establishment and if he had been arrested and handed over to India, he would have spilled the beans and implicated many "deep state” actors in Bangladesh. The seeds of cooperation in the security domain were also sowed during this period.
It was clear that the CTG wanted to reach out to India for support. I was invited to witness the registration of voters at the village level. Moeen also requested help in importing 5 million tonnes of rice when the price of rice spiralled owing to shortages.
India supplied the rice and this helped the CTG. During an event at the NDC, Moeen took me aside and told me that the pending gas pipeline proposal could be revived and Bangladesh would agree to participate. By then it was too late as Myanmar had handed over its gas field to China.
The latter built a pipeline to Kunming. Moeen also mentioned to me that there were no Pakistani-trained officers in the Bangladesh Army after he took over command. Moeen was a graduate of the first course of the Bangladesh Military Academy and holder of the Sword of Honour.
The first passenger train from Dhaka to Kolkata, Maitri Express, was inaugurated in April 2008 on Poila Boishak (the first day of the Indian calender and a New year for Bengalis). Foreign Adviser Iftikhar Chowdhury was present on the platform to flag off the inaugural train from the cantonment railway station. My wife and I travelled on this train. Many Bangladeshis were on board, including a large contingent from the Bangladesh-India Friendship Society.
The then Indian Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee was instrumental in speeding up the project. External Affairs Minister and later the President of India Shri Pranab Mukherjee took personal and extra care in guiding India’s policy approach to Bangladesh during the tenure of the CTG. India played an important role in the return of democracy to Bangladesh.
The CTG took strong action against the Islamist terrorist leaders and implemented the death sentences of six leaders of the Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen (JMB).
This proved to be a popular move and underlined its intention to send a message to the Islamist terrorist groups. Inexplicably, the CTG was soft on the Jamaat-e-Islami (JEI), widely regarded as the incubator of Islamic extremism, perhaps to keep the JEI-friendly Americans at bay or to keep them from agitating.”
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