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“Modi has bowed down in front of Punjabis for the second time within the last five years. The Centre should forget that they can take away Panjab University from Punjabis,” Ramanpreet Singh, a leader of Panjab University Bachao Morcha said on 27 November just after the Vice President's office annouced the schedule of the varisty's Senate elections.
After nearly a month-long protest demanding elections, a victory march was taken out by the students of Panjab University (PU) on 27 November, in which they raised two main slogans that had become the rallying cry of their struggle — “Mithi dhun rabab di, Panjab University Punjab di” and "Sooha phul gulab da; Chandigarh Punjab da.” (Sweet is the tune of the Rabab, Panjab University belongs to Punjab, the rose is crimson, Chandigarh belongs to Punjab).
PU students had launched protests on 29-30 October, demanding the withdrawal of an affidavit, which would've mandated prior permission from university authorities for protesting, including getting slogans pre-approved.
While the protest was ongoing, The Tribune on 1 November reported a government notification restructuring the Senate and Syndicate of Panjab University so that elected members came down drastically. The PU Senate was reduced from 91 members with 45 elected members to 31 members with 18 elected members.
This news triggered protests, with students labelling it "anti-democratic" and an attempt by the Modi government to centralise PU's decision-making body, to take over PU using a back door method.
The Panjab University Bachao Morcha was convened with the aim of defeating the BJP regime’s policy of centerlising PU. It was run with strategy, boldness, and dominance by a sharp leadership.
In the Morcha, all student parties were welcomed except ABVP due to its affiliation with BJP-RSS. Nearly two dozen student organisations, including Panthic Sath, Left organisation Lalkar, Leftist SFS, Liberal Student Front (SF), Akali Dal’s SOI, Congress’ NSUI, and AAP’s ASAP. All of these parties and factions united to make the struggle successfull.
Interstingly, a photo of PU Vice-President and Sath leader Ashmeet Singh and Lalkar member Sara went viral on social media; the caption read, "A son and a daughter of Punjab, fighting for the rights of Punjab."
BKU (Ugrahan) leader Joginder Singh Ugrahan didn't want students to get any political leader to join the protest but had assured full support. Another proposal by farmers' organisations to expand PU Bachao Morcha by extending membership to students' groups operating in other universities was also rejected.
Although PU Bachao Morcha's leadership garnered support from various Punjabi outfits, it kept the power of decision making in its own hands. Unlike the Farmers' Protest, where several farmers' organisations had their own strong cadre base, PU Bachao Morcha appealed to Punjab’s farm, labour, cultural, and religious groups and Punjabis at large.
Panjab University student protests might not have succeded if it was not for the series of missteps (which it later withdrew) taken by the Modi govt, which triggered a nationalist sentiment among Punjabis.
Even after the Centre withdrew the notification on 10 November, the students continued their protests and demanded a schedule of the senate elections. PU authorities had promised students that a notification for the elections will be issued before 25 November even as students asserted that the failure to do so will rekindle large-scale protests including a call to shut the university.
While the students were protesting, on 22 November, the news of the 131st Constitutional Amendment Bill — which would end administrative powers of Punjab's Governor and bring an independent administrator to Chandigarh — further triggered Punjabis. Students marched in the university and convinced shopkeepers to shut shops on 26 November for a massive protest.
The Punjab BJP became wary of the move, fearing that the Bill would make it harder for the party to campaign or electioneer in the state as it had happened during the Farmers' Protest, when BJP leaders were not allowed to enter villages by several farmers' organisations. The Punjab BJP raised the issue with the party head office and the next day, MHA clarified that the government had no intention to bring such a Constitutional amendment.
PU protests not only showed Punjab’s resentment towards the Modi government’s policies of centerlisation but also marks a defeat of the arguments of the Modi regime.
The Union government wanted to bring a 31-member Senate, where most members were nominated but PU students insisted on the election and not selection of Senators. Whenever authorities and journalists raised the issue of the Senate's inefficency, students drew parallels to the Parliament — how the Modi government wants to increase the number of Lok Sabha seats citing an increase in population but when it comes to the university, it is decreasing number of elected senators.
When the authorities asserted that outside members would be more efficient, students retorted saying can an outsider be in charge of India if he says he is more efficient than Modi? When Indian right-wing propaganda outlets commented that the Center funds Panjab University, PU students highlighted how the Union government centerlised tax collection via GST and is taking tax revenue from Chandigarh, which is Punjab’s capital city.
As Chandigarh was built by displacing the people of 28 villages of Punjab, PU protests and the slogans raised in the university emotionally pulled them towards the protest. PU protest gave those people a channel to express their anger against their historical grievances and injustice.
Just like Farmers' Protest 2.0 at the Shambhu border, the PU Bachao Morcha was fed by langar brought by people of Puadh region, who coordinated among one another to feed students protestors daily. Apart from the langar, a large number of people used to come everyday to participate in the protest.
Earlier in September, for the first time in PU’s history, ABVP’s Gaurav Veer Sohal had won the presidential post of Panjab University Campus Students’ Council (PUCSC). Though the election was marred by unholy alliances and cross-voting, many thought that ABVP will be able to dominate PU politics as it is backed by the State machinery.
While PU Bachao Morcha's protest compelled the Modi government to issue a schedule of Senate elections, ABVP was nowhere to be seen in PU politics. Interstingly, the RSS Shakha in the university stopped convening since the protest started.
“The way Parliamentarians' decisions can be reversed by protesting in the streets, similarly struggle is the way forward in the university,” Joban, a student leader of PSU (Lalkar), told this journalist.
After the COVID pandemic, PU politics had died down. PU students did not get much opportunity to participate in protests inside the university campus. Students lacked ideological and organisational training. The recent PU protests provided them ground to raise new slogans, ask questions, and challange authority.
The success of these protests will infuse fresh energy into students and rejuvenate the denuding activism in the university. Since December 2024, PU had not witnessed any serious protest. PU protests have made students aware about the way of struggle. While students participated in the protest but unlike JNU and Jamia, most PU professors stayed away from the protest.
PU is an inter-state corporate body, funded jointly by the Centre and the Punjab government. It is run by the Vice President’s nominee Vice Chancellor, and accepts students from all states with the majority coming from Punjab, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh. But PU is culturally dominated by Punjabis as it is built on the state’s land.
According to PU Bachao Morcha leader Ramanpreet, "The gathering of Punjabis on 10 November had sent alarm bells ringing in Delhi. PU students conveyed to the Modi government that Punjabis are here to stay and they will protest against any attempt of centerlisation."
Ramanpreet added that the Centre was waiting to disturb the protest with several RSS-affiliated student leaders demanding that Haryana’s colleges be affiliated with Panjab University.
“After 26 November’s PU shut down, PU Bachao Morcha had given a call to protest outside the BJP office in Chandigarh and several other offices in Punjab. This horrified the Modi government as they felt it may trigger larger protests. So, the Centre issued schedule on 27 November,” Ramanpreet said.
PU Bachao Morcha has divided the Ambedkarites of the Panjab University. Gautam Bhoria, former President of Ambedkar Student Forum (ASF) led student groups from Haryana to appeal to Haryana CM Nayab Saini that Haryana colleges be affiliated with PU.
On the other hand, Ambedkar Students Forum (ASF) has been part of the PU Bachao Morcha and demanded that PU should be handed over to Panjab and the state ’s reservation policy be implemented in the university so that Punjabi Dalits and OBCs can benefit from it.