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On November 10, 2025, when protesters broke Gate Number 1, opposite the PGI, to enter Panjab University in large numbers after the call given by the Panjab University Bachao Morcha, it was not just about the Senate election; it was their assertion over their land, capital, and university.
For the first time in its history, Panjab University remained closed for two consecutive days, November 10 and 11, with the entire campus, including the AC Joshi Library, sealed shut. The administration declared both days as holidays, anticipating the scale of the protest that would follow. Offices, shops, and hostels were locked down. What unfolded over those two days was one of the largest and most emotionally charged mobilisations ever seen on the campus.
Panjab University has been in the news recently for the protests that began after The Tribune broke the story about the Centre dissolving the Senate and Syndicate on November 1, which also happened to be Punjab Formation Day. The notification, seen by many as a bid to centralise the governance of a historically Punjab-rooted university, sparked outrage across the state. The Centre withdrew the notification on November 7, restoring the old Senate structure. Yet, the protests continued, as student bodies demanded that Senate elections be conducted first, after which they would call off their agitation.
The Panjab University Bachao Morcha (PUBM) was formed by different student bodies of Panjab University to restore the old Senate and demand elections. The Morcha issued a call to various Punjab-based organisations such as kisan, mazdoor, and teachers’ unions, as well as other social groups, and to all Punjabis to come to Chandigarh and resist what they termed the central takeover of Panjab University.
The call received an overwhelming response across the state. Announcements were made in villages and gurdwaras, urging people to reach Panjab University on November 10. On November 9, Chandigarh Police attempted to stop sound systems and speakers from reaching the university grounds, but students managed to set up everything successfully.
On the morning of the 10th, the university gates were closed early, effectively turning PU into an open jail. Heavy police deployment was placed on the Chandigarh borders to prevent protesters from entering. Despite this, protesters and students broke through the gates and entered the university, where a massive crowd had gathered. Organisations from all over Punjab, including farmers’ unions, teachers, and student groups came together in solidarity.
The slogans raised included:
“Mithi dhun rabab di, Panjab University Panjab di”
“Sooha phul gulab da, Chandigarh Panjab da”
(Sweet is the melody of Rabab, Panjab University belongs to Punjab/ Red is the Gulab [Rose], Chandigarh belongs to Punjab).
These slogans captured more than a campus grievance; they echoed a historic cry for Punjab’s autonomy and rights over its land, language, water, and institutions.
Since the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, the state has continuously struggled with the Centre, first for state formation, then for control over its waters, resources, and institutions. Recent issues such as changes in BBMB governance, the devastating floods of 2023–24, and central control over local institutions have only deepened Punjab’s sense of dispossession.
Punjabis have fought historically for their state. After independence, Punjab was reorganized in 1966, leading to the creation of Haryana, and later Himachal Pradesh in 1971. Chandigarh, built on Punjab’s land, became the new capital of Punjab, replacing Lahore.
In 1973, the Akali Dal passed the Anandpur Sahib Resolution (Mata), later revised in 1978, demanding that Chandigarh be handed over to Punjab and seeking greater autonomy for the state within the Indian Union. After losing Lahore to Partition, Punjabis were promised by Nehru that their new state would enjoy autonomy and sovereignty within India, a promise that remains unfulfilled.
The demand for Chandigarh’s transfer was reiterated in the Rajiv–Longowal Accord of 1985, which stated that Chandigarh would be transferred to Punjab, while Haryana would receive a new capital. Yet, opposition from Haryana leaders like Bhajan Lal, who infamously declared that he would “not let a single Sikh pass through Haryana to Delhi” if Chandigarh were handed to Punjab, ensured that the accord was never implemented.
As Arjun Singh noted in his autobiography A Grain of Sand in the Hourglass of Time, such opposition from within the Congress hierarchy played a major role in preventing the accord’s fulfillment.
When Punjabis entered Panjab University on November 10, decades of betrayal and frustration were visible on their faces. They were not merely entering a campus; they were reclaiming their historical rights over land, language, water, and capital.
It was one of the largest and most historic gatherings in the history of Panjab University. Activists, kisan leaders, mazdoor unions, students, and teachers came together with a united voice declaring that “Panjab University belongs to Panjab, and so does Chandigarh.”
The Centre’s earlier notification only fuelled the anger, as many felt it was part of a pattern of eroding Punjab’s remaining institutions. The energy among those who reached the university that day was intense, symbolic, and deeply rooted in Punjab’s collective memory of dispossession.
After the protest, several Haryana student leaders and organisations released videos claiming that Panjab University does not belong solely to Punjab. The ABVP also echoed this position, with its members posting videos criticising the Panjab University Bachao Morcha and its slogans. However, for many Punjabis, such claims ignored the institution’s origins and legal foundations.
When Punjabis say that Panjab University belongs to Punjab, they are asserting historical and cultural ownership, not exclusivity.
The university, established in 1882 in Lahore, was created by the people and princely states of undivided Punjab, whose rulers and citizens donated funds for its establishment. After Partition in 1947, its Indian counterpart was relocated to Chandigarh in 1956.
Following the formation of Kurukshetra University in Haryana and Himachal Pradesh University in Shimla, both states withdrew their affiliation from Panjab University, and their colleges were attached to their respective state universities.
Today, Panjab University functions as an inter-state body corporate, jointly funded by the Government of Punjab and the Central Government, but its governance and cultural character remain undeniably Punjabi. This historical and financial reality strengthens the argument that the administrative and cultural ownership of the university belongs to Punjab, even as students from across India and the world are welcome to study there.
Legal and historical roots: Panjab University was constituted under the Panjab University Act, 1947, passed by the then Punjab Legislative Assembly. Any unilateral central intervention thus undermines the Act and the state’s authority.
Cultural continuity: The university has been a cradle of Punjabi thought, literature, and intellectual exchange. It is the successor to the original University of the Punjab in Lahore, a civilisational institution of the Punjabi people.
Withdrawal of other states: Haryana and Himachal Pradesh have their own universities. Their disassociation from PU reaffirms that its administrative and cultural jurisdiction is Punjab’s.
Democratic governance: The Senate’s dissolution was viewed as an attempt to replace elected representation with nominated control, a pattern that Punjab sees as symbolic of its shrinking autonomy.
Federal principle: In a federal structure, cultural and linguistic states must retain control over their institutions. Central control over Panjab University would erode this principle.
For many, November 10 was not just a protest; it was a continuation of Punjab’s decades-long assertion against central neglect and the erosion of its identity. The slogans and songs that echoed across the campus carried a deep emotional and historical charge.
The chants of “Panjab University Panjab di” and “Chandigarh Panjab da” reflected more than institutional ownership; they symbolised a broader struggle for self-determination and dignity. The gathering transformed the university space into a cultural site of remembrance, where the pain of Partition, the loss of Lahore, and the unfulfilled promise of Chandigarh converged.
November 10 thus became not only a day of political assertion but also of cultural reclamation, a moment when the people of Punjab reconnected with an institution that has long represented their intellectual and linguistic heritage.
The university administration submitted the proposed Senate election schedule to the Chancellor, but students vowed to continue their sit-in until a date was officially announced. Police remained deployed at the gates, while civil society groups announced that they would defend PU’s Punjabi character at all costs.
Even after the notification was withdrawn, the trust deficit between Punjab and the Centre remains unhealed. The events of November 10 and 11 will be remembered as the moment when Punjabis, across classes and generations, reclaimed an institution that symbolises their struggle for identity, rights, and dignity.
When Punjabis entered Panjab University on November 10, 2025, they carried not weapons but memories, slogans, and a sense of inheritance. They broke the gates not to occupy a campus, but to reclaim what was theirs: an institution born of their language, funded by their ancestors, and built on their land.
Their message was clear: Panjab University is not just a university; it is Punjab’s intellectual and cultural capital. And Chandigarh, like its university, belongs to Panjab.
(This is an opinion piece, and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same.)