Video Editor: Mohd Ibrahim
Video Producer: Shohini Bose
Cameraperson: Sumit Badola
I know that adjectives like “milestone”, “game changer” and “watershed” are frequently used after polls that throw up contrarian, unexpected results. But even adjusting for this caveat, I would call the October 2019 mini national elections a “juggernaut stopper”. Here are my six takeaways:
The BJP scores a considerably higher vote share when Prime Minister Modi is on the ballot (ie, when the voter is seeking to give him a direct mandate), which falls away dramatically when he is canvassing for votes for his party in state elections. Collating the differential between the last two Lok Sabha polls and 14 Assembly elections (including Maharashtra and Haryana in 2014 and the week gone by), the “Modi Delta” is closer to 12, perhaps even 15, percentage points.
Click on the player below to listen to the podcast.
The surprise bounce by the Congress+allies across the country must convince the grand old party that its post-2019 defeatism is utterly unwarranted. Its 20 percent national vote share is a “healthy minima” on which it can build a strategy of political revival. It enjoys a natural resonance with an electorate which is looking for an alternative, especially among the disenfranchised/poor in vast spaces of north, west and central India.
Often, we look at a party’s count in the Lok Sabha to measure its strength. But a far more elemental metric is the number of MLAs in its kitty. Remember, an MP, on an average, represents over two million citizens, while an MLA is accountable to about a tenth, ie, two lakh people. Therefore, an MLA’s clout with his constituents is far more intimate and forceful.
At a rough count, this could be about 200+ MLAs, or an accretion of over 25 percent to their earlier numerical strength.
Clearly, neither the Balakot strikes nor the jingoistic appeal of killing Article 370 – or indeed the graphic threat of chucking illegal immigrants into the Bay of Bengal – moved the needle with an electorate obsessed with unemployment and dwindling economic prospects. So, any narrative based on these political issues is a lose-lose proposition in non-national elections.
Guess who were the real political mascots of last week’s polls? No, not Devendra Fadnavis or Manohar Lal Khattar but three relatively nondescript local politicos called Udayanraje Bhosle (ex-MP, NCP), Alpesh Thakor (ex-MLA, Gujarat Congress), Dhavalsinh Zala (ex-MLA, Gujarat Congress) and a clutch of other turncoats who jumped ship to either the BJP or Shiv Sena, hoping to ride the curry train. But a wise electorate stopped them dead in their tracks.
Finally, the Modi government must recall the folly of the Shah Commission in 1977/78, which almost single-handedly resurrected a hopelessly defeated Indira Gandhi’s political career. Right or wrong, our electorate is feudal and sentimental about strong/son-of-the-soil politicians. And if it senses that they are being “unfairly” hounded or “selectively” punished, their sympathy hormones begin to work overtime.
The lesson is clear: an overuse of the “agencies” is a double-edged, often losing, endeavor. Rein ‘em in.
(At The Quint, we are answerable only to our audience. Play an active role in shaping our journalism by becoming a member. Because the truth is worth it.)