BJP's Push for Hindi in Tamil Nadu Will Come at a Cost

There's enough evidence to show that compulsory multilinguism can be counterproductive, writes John J Kennedy.

A file photo of anti-Hindi agitations in Tamil Nadu. The state’s linguistic politics has been shaped by defining moments such as the 1937 and 1965 anti-Hindi agitations, which led to widespread protests and even loss of lives.

(Photo: X/@VijayIsMyLife)

The ongoing battle between Tamil Nadu and the Union government over the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020’s three-language formula is far more than a dispute over pedagogy. In a deeper sense, it is a conflict over federalism, linguistic identity, and cultural autonomy.

Tamil Nadu’s steadfast adherence to its two-language policy – Tamil and English – has been a defining feature of its educational and cultural framework for over five decades.

The state’s resistance to the three-language formula is not just ideological but backed by historical experiences, empirical data, and a broader concern about the creeping imposition of Hindi.

The overwhelming success of Tamil Nadu’s educational model calls into question the necessity and intent behind the Centre’s linguistic prescriptions.

Tamil Nadu’s Two-Language Advantage

Tamil Nadu’s two-language policy has yielded exceptional educational outcomes, making it one of the most academically progressive states in India. The Gross Enrollment Ratio (GER) in higher education – a key metric of access – stood at an impressive 47 percent in 2022, closing in on the NEP’s 50 percent target for 2035. In comparison, states adhering to the three-language policy, such as Uttar Pradesh (24.1 percent) and Bihar (17.1 percent), lag significantly behind.

The literacy rate in Tamil Nadu, standing at 82.9 percent, also exceeds the national average of 77.7 percent.

In addition, standardised assessments reaffirm Tamil Nadu’s educational excellence.

The Annual Status of Education Report (ASER) 2022 found that students in Tamil Nadu consistently outperform their peers in states with a three-language policy in reading and arithmetic skills. Furthermore, the state’s Class 12 examination pass percentage in 2023 was 94.03 percent, significantly higher than states like Uttar Pradesh (75.52 percent) and Madhya Pradesh (55.28 percent).

If the three-language policy were an educational panacea, these discrepancies would not exist.

Three-Language Formula: A Political Trojan Horse?

The three-language formula, introduced in the 1968 NEP and retained in the 2020 policy, is presented as a means to enhance multilingual competence. However, in truth, its application has been inconsistent and largely skewed in favour of Hindi.

Paragraph 4.5 of the NEP 2020 stipulates that “at least two of the three languages must be native to India.” Given the Union government’s consistent push for Hindi as a “link language,” the third language in non-Hindi-speaking states is often presumed to be Hindi.

At this juncture, it may be worth noting that Tamil Nadu’s historical memory remains a powerful force behind its resistance to Hindi imposition, with language serving as both a cultural cornerstone and a political rallying point. The state’s linguistic politics has been shaped by defining moments such as the 1937 and 1965 anti-Hindi agitations, which led to widespread protests and even loss of lives.

These movements cemented Tamil identity as a symbol of regional autonomy, culminating in the adoption of the two-language policy in 1968. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), which emerged from this linguistic struggle, continues to leverage Tamil pride as a central political strategy, and any attempt to undermine the state’s linguistic independence only strengthens its position.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led Union government’s push for Hindi through the three-language policy is widely perceived as an encroachment on Tamil linguistic identity, reinforcing opposition unity rather than altering public sentiment.

A 2019 Lokniti-CSDS survey found that over 70 percent of Tamil respondents strongly opposed the imposition of Hindi, underscoring that linguistic concerns remain a potent force in the state’s politics.

The suspicion that the three-language formula is a disguised effort to promote Hindi is not without basis; a 2022 RTI request revealed that Kendriya Vidyalayas in Tamil Nadu lacked Tamil teachers while Hindi teachers were in ample supply.

Moreover, financial coercion has been deployed to enforce this policy, with the Union government withholding Rs 2,152 crore under the Samagra Shiksha scheme as a penalty for Tamil Nadu’s defiance, raising serious concerns about federal overreach.

BJP’s Risky Linguistic Strategy in Tamil Nadu

For the BJP, this approach is politically risky, as it threatens to alienate Tamil voters rather than win them over. Strangely, the party has been consistently ignoring this important aspect for reasons best known to them. It is a known fact that the party has historically struggled to gain traction in Tamil Nadu.

And now, Union Minister L Murugan’s latest remark downplaying the relevance of Tamil in Tamil Nadu politics – “this is not 1965 to come to power using language” – indicates that the party is unwilling to learn.

The changing demographics and political dynamics may have weakened resistance to Hindi, which is what the BJP thinks, but this assumption, to put it mildly, appears overly optimistic.

The fact is that the memory of the 1965 anti-Hindi agitation, marked by mass protests and self-immolations, remains deeply embedded in Tamil Nadu’s collective consciousness. Any attempt to revive linguistic centralisation is likely to be met with fierce resistance.

The BJP’s strategy of positioning Hindi as a unifying national language may resonate in the Hindi heartland but is unlikely to reshape Tamil sentiment, which remains rooted in linguistic pride. Instead of altering public perception, the BJP’s stance could further consolidate opposition forces and reinforce the DMK’s dominance, making the three-language policy more of a political liability than an electoral advantage.

Cognitive Overload a Burden on Students

Proponents of the three-language policy argue that multilingualism enhances cognitive skills. However, research suggests that compulsory multilingualism can be counterproductive.

A 2019 NCERT study found that students in multilingual environments often suffer from cognitive overload, leading to diminished proficiency in core subjects like mathematics and science. The Central Institute of Indian Languages (CIIL) has also noted that excessive language learning requirements detract from deeper subject comprehension.

The National Achievement Survey (NAS) 2021 corroborates these concerns, showing that students in states with the three-language policy perform worse in science and mathematics than their counterparts in Tamil Nadu.

A 2021 survey by IIM Bangalore found that 78 percent of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and Karnataka students viewed Hindi as an unnecessary addition to their curriculum. With English already serving as a global bridge language, the imposition of Hindi adds little practical value to Tamil Nadu’s students but creates unnecessary academic burdens.

Tamil Nadu’s resistance to the three-language policy is, therefore, about the fundamental right of states to determine their educational policies.

Threat to Linguistic Diversity

India’s linguistic diversity is one of its defining characteristics, with over 19,500 dialects and 121 languages. Tamil, a classical language with an uninterrupted literary history of over 2,000 years, is a cornerstone of Tamil Nadu’s cultural pride. If implemented with an implicit bias toward Hindi, the three-language formula risks marginalising regional languages.

Historical precedents warn of the dangers of linguistic imposition. In Pakistan, the prioritisation of Urdu led to the decline of regional languages like Sindhi and Balochi; in the Soviet Union, the Russian language supplanted native languages such as Ukrainian and Georgian. A UNESCO report lists 197 Indian languages as endangered, with linguistic homogenisation being a major contributing factor.

The case of North Indian dialects like Bhojpuri and Magahi, which have been subsumed under standardised Hindi, serves as a cautionary tale. The three-language formula could accelerate similar erosion in South India.

Federalism, Education, and Right to Linguistic Self-Determination

The rationale for imposing Hindi as a unifying language is increasingly obsolete in an era of artificial intelligence (AI) and advanced translation technology. Real-time translation tools like Google Translate and AI-driven speech recognition have made cross-linguistic communication seamless.

A 2023 study by IIT Madras found that over 72 percent of digital content consumed in Tamil Nadu is in Tamil or English, reinforcing the centrality of these languages. The British Council’s 2022 study also confirmed that Tamil Nadu has one of India’s highest English proficiency rates, making a third language redundant for national or global engagement.

The Tamil Nadu model demonstrates that linguistic simplicity augments educational excellence rather than hindering it.

The success of its two-language model serves as a powerful rebuttal to the idea that a uniform linguistic framework is necessary for national integration.

If the NEP’s goal is to promote inclusive and high-quality education, it must respect regional linguistic preferences rather than enforce a homogenised linguistic agenda. The Union government must recognise that India’s strength lies in its diversity, not in a forced linguistic monolith.

(The author is a Professor and Dean at Christ University, Bengaluru. This is an opinion piece. The views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for them.)