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On 3 July, inside Kolkata’s Science City auditorium, a man in a crisp white linen shirt and black trousers took the stage before a packed audience of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) MLAs, MPs, councillors, and party workers.
But unlike the characteristic rhetoric of the saffron camp, the man spoke not in fiery slogans or combative one-liners but in polished, composed Bengali—the kind spoken in Kolkata’s middle-class homes. No broken Hindi, no dialect-heavy populism. Just some measured and carefully chosen words.
“We are not against Muslims. We are not fighting Muslims," he stated. "We are challenging a system that compels your children to bear stones. We want to replace those stones with books.”
In a political climate where polarisation defines discourse—and in a state like West Bengal where religious identity is a constant electoral fault line—such a statement was unexpected.
No one observing national politics today would guess without being told that this was the maiden speech of a BJP state chief. A party long known for its hardline Hindutva stand appeared, at least in tone, seems to be offering a softer script in the poll-bound state.
With the 2026 Assembly elections less than a year away, Bhattacharya’s address signalled a strategic pivot—less fire, more finesse. Whether this recalibration is cosmetic or consequential remains to be seen.
As Bengal gears up for the 2026 Assembly elections, BJP's decision to elevate Bhattacharya as its face in the state is a calculated gambit, arguably one of its most strategic moves since its 2019 Lok Sabha surge. The party, which has leaned heavily on a hardline Hindutva approach to challenge Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee, seems to have learned a hard lesson from its past missteps.
The BJP’s aggressive push in recent years, branding Mamata as a “Muslim appeaser,” has yielded mixed results. While it galvanised a section of Hindu voters, it alienated Bengal’s significant 30 percent Muslim electorate and a sizable secular vote bank.
The 2021 assembly elections laid bare this reality, with campaigns like “No Vote to BJP” gaining traction among secular Bengalis who saw Mamata as the only bulwark against the BJP’s polarising rhetoric. The TMC capitalised on this, painting the BJP as an “anti-Bengali” outsider party—a narrative that struck a chord in a state fiercely proud of its syncretic culture.
Yet, unlike the firebrand Hindutva voices that have dominated the party’s Bengal strategy, Bhattacharya is no hardliner. His calm demeanor, intellectual heft, and ability to engage without resorting to personal attacks make him a unique figure.
He embodies the RSS’ discipline and ideological purity while projecting a moderate, inclusive image that could resonate with Bengal’s diverse electorate.This choice reflects a delicate balancing act. Bhattacharya’s RSS credentials ensure he retains credibility among the BJP’s core base, which demands Hindu consolidation. But his non-confrontational style could soften the party’s image, countering the TMC’s “outsider” narrative and appealing to voters wary of divisive politics.
In a state where cultural syncretism is a point of pride, this shift from aggression to pragmatism could be the BJP’s best bet to challenge Mamata’s iron grip.
In the post-Modi era, the BJP’s ascent in West Bengal owes much to strategic shifts and key figures. Dilip Ghosh, a former RSS stalwart loaned to the BJP, laid the groundwork for the party’s expansion. His earthy tone and grassroots approach built a robust organisation but alienated Kolkata’s refined bhadralok (well-mannered person), who found his style abrasive. The urbane Bengali elite, steeped in literature and art, remained elusive for the BJP.
Adhikari, a former Mamata Banerjee confidant, embraced a hardline Hindutva stance, rejecting the inclusive “Sab ka saath, sab ka vikas” for a divisive “Jo hamara saath, hum uske saath.” While a formidable leader, his aggressive rhetoric failed to resonate with Bengal’s elite or Kolkata’s cosmopolitan circles, limiting the BJP’s urban appeal.
A skilled orator with a passion for poetry, Shamik embodies the bhadralok sensibility, offering the BJP a sophisticated face to win over Bengal’s urban intelligentsia. His ability to connect with both city voters of Kolkata and the party’s rural base makes him a versatile force.
Shamik, with his intellectual charm and cultural fluency, could be the key to cracking Kolkata’s elite circles while sustaining rural support. As the BJP eyes a post-Mamata era, Bhattacharya’s rise signals a strategic pivot—one that could redefine the party’s fortunes in Bengal.
For over four decades, Shamik Bhattacharya has been a steadfast pillar of the BJP in West Bengal, joining its ranks when the party was a fledgling force overshadowed by the Left and Congress in the 1970s and 1980s.
His tenure, marked by roles like state General Secretary of the BJP’s youth wing for over a decade and a brief stint as the sole BJP MLA in 2014 after winning the Basirhat South bypoll, underscores his unmatched organisational experience and credibility among party workers.
In a state where the BJP’s growth has been marred by infighting, Bhattacharya emerges as a unifying figure.
The party’s internal rifts are no secret—former Bengal BJP president Dilip Ghosh was sidelined when Sukanta Majumdar took the helm, with Suvendu Adhikari, a former TMC heavyweight, steering the “new BJP” of ex-TMC recruits. This shift marginalised many veteran leaders and supporters rooted in the RSS and BJP’s early days, who felt neglected and withdrew from active roles, unable to reconcile with the rise of Adhikari and other TMC defectors.
His deep roots in Bengal’s BJP, dating back to its inception, earn him the respect of the old guard, while his rapport with central leaders like Narendra Modi and Amit Shah—under whom he became a Rajya Sabha MP—gives him clout with the party’s modern machinery.
As the BJP seeks to harmonise its seasoned leadership with newer faces, Bhattacharya’s loyalty, experience, and ability to navigate Bengal’s complex political landscape make him a balanced choice to steer the party toward its future ambitions.
(The author teaches journalism at St. Xavier’s College (autonomous), Kolkata. His handle on X is @sayantan_gh. This is an opinion piece, and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same.)
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