As Pak Turns Hostile, India May Need to Befriend Taliban Before China Does

Operation Sindoor─India’s response to the allegedly Pakistan-inspired terror attack in Pahalgam, has left a clear message: India-Afghan relations should be normalised fully and expeditiously.

(Photo: Vibhushita Singh/The Quint)

India has three Muslim-majority countries in its immediate neighbourhood ─ Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan. With which of these countries does India enjoy the highest amount of goodwill? Pakistan? No. Bangladesh? No. Afghanistan? Yes. 

This was true when the Taliban were not ruling Afghanistan. And this is true even now, when the Taliban are in full control of the government in Kabul.

Despite contemporary political vicissitudes, this has not changed, because India-Afghan ties are deeply rooted in history, culture and a shared civilisational heritage, as can be seen in both Indian and Afghan literature.  

Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore’s evocative short story ‘Kabuliwala’, which is taught in most schools in our country, captures the emotional bond between Indians and Afghans. 

Unfortunately, the recent rise of anti-Muslim fanaticism among Hindutva supporters in India has prevented many from fully perceiving the true nature and character of Afghanistan and the Afghan people. Or how the Taliban rose to prominence in the country, and, most importantly, why Pakistan’s military rulers hate the Taliban. 

To the credit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India has initiated welcome moves to expand dialogue with the Taliban regime in recent years. These efforts have so far been slow and tentative. However, Operation Sindoor─India’s response to the Pakistan-inspired terror attack in Pahalgam, has left a clear message: India-Afghan relations need to be normalised fully and expeditiously and may, in fact, be crucial for maintaining India's geopolitical balance.

Afghanistan-Pakistan Discord is Deep 

Afghans are fiercely proud nationalists. Not many Indians know that Khushal Khan Khattak, the most revered 17th century Afghan poet-warrior, rebelled even against the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb, who imprisoned him for uniting the Pashtuns against his rule.

Because of this unyielding national pride and honour, Afghanistan is known as the "graveyard of invaders".

The mighty British empire, the Soviet Union, and the United States have all tried to conquer and control Afghanistan, though in vain. While Afghans are devout Muslims, their culture has historically been tolerant of other faiths. Until the 1970s, thousands of Sikhs and many Hindus lived peacefully in that country.  

Then tragedy struck Afghanistan as it became a victim of two horribly destructive wars lasting 40 long years.

The first was waged by the Soviet Union, in which two million Afghans lost their lives, and then another with the US-led North Atlantic Treaty Organisation forces, which killed 3,00,000 Afghans. In between the two wars, the country also suffered from internal strife. 

When the Soviets committed the blunder of invading Afghanistan in 1979, Pakistan’s military rulers saw an opportunity to benefit from their neighbour’s misfortune.

They decided to become an ally of the US in defeating the “infidel” communists. Their real aim was to gain ‘Strategic Depth’ ─ control of Afghanistan in the east and dismemberment of India in the west by supporting separatists in Kashmir. Pakistan thus hoped to avenge its own dismemberment when East Pakistan liberated itself and became Bangladesh in 1971. 

To achieve this goal, Pakistan’s army aided and abetted the forces of jihadi extremism and terrorism with ample support from Saudi Arabia and the US. Islamist ideology and funds were supplied by Saudi Arabia, weapons came from the US, and Pakistan provided space for training and sheltering the ‘Mujahideen’ (Muslims who fight for Islam). 

In his brilliant book 'The Pashtuns ─ A Contested History', civil servant-turned scholar Tilak Devasher writes:

“The Punjabi-dominated Pakistan [is] singly responsible for manipulating their [Pashtuns’] deeply held religious beliefs to encourage the growth of radicalism, terrorism and violence…The main reason for this has been the Pakistan state’s view of the Pashtuns, seeing Pashtun nationalism as an existential threat to the integrity of Pakistan.”

Although this strategy of feeding the snake of terrorism succeeded in defeating the Soviet Union, it later boomeranged on both, the US (in the form of the 9/11 terror attacks), and Pakistan (in the form of a wave of terrorist acts by home-grown extremist groups).  

Perhaps the biggest shock to Pakistan came when Kabul refused to become a client state of Islamabad after a defeated US left Afghanistan, paving the way for the Taliban’s return to power in 2021.

Since then, the relations between the Taliban and Pakistan’s military-controlled government have remained tense. 

The discord between Kabul and Islamabad runs much deeper, though. Afghanistan does not recognise the 2,640-kilometer Durand Line, established by the British, as the international border between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Every Afghan regime, Taliban or non-Taliban, has rejected it as a “fake border”, thereby claiming that the Pashtun-populated areas inside Pakistan belong to Afghanistan. In the past two years, Islamabad has expelled 850,000 Afghan migrants, including women and children, living in Pakistan. 

Kabul Seeks Delhi's Friendship

For a long time, I too, like many Indians, believed that the Taliban was controlled and dictated by Pakistan. However, my views changed when, last year, I met Suhail Shaheen, a veteran Taliban leader and the head of the Political Office of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA) in Doha, Qatar. He is also the IEA's designated Permanent Representative to the United Nations. He said to me, “India should shed the suspicion that the Taliban is ‘close to Pakistan’ and ‘against India’.” 

Shaheen also reiterated that the IEA (Taliban) government is firmly committed to the principle of not allowing the use of Afghanistan's soil against India or any other country. “ 

“Normalising Afghan-India relations and taking it to the level of centuries-old friendship is in the interest of both countries." 

His views were reinforced by Mawlavi Asadullah Bilal Karimi, a senior Taliban leader who is now Afghanistan’s ambassador to China. I met him in Beijing in March this year. He was happy to know that I had worked closely with India's former and late Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, whom he praised as a wise poet-statesman.  

He said to me, “The Taliban are not controlled by any country in the world. We are Afghan patriots. We are fully independent, and we cherish our independence. We want good relations with India, China, and all other countries in the region. 

Whatever may have been the Taliban’s links with Pakistan in the past, its leaders, once in power in Kabul, have ensured that anti-India terror groups backed by Islamabad are not given any sanctuary in Afghanistan. This is clearly borne out by the Taliban government’s categorical condemnation of the barbaric terrorist attack in Pahalgam. 

An obvious question arises in view of the above realities: If neighbourhood policy is the sheet-anchor of any sound foreign policy, should India not make haste to fully normalise our relations with Afghanistan? 

Especially when one major neighbour (Pakistan) has been traditionally hostile towards both India and Afghanistan, and another (Bangladesh) has turned unfriendly after the ouster of Sheikh Hasina? Also, when China, Russia and neighbouring Uzbekistan and Iran are engaging closely with the Taliban government? 

So far, no country has formally recognised the Taliban-led government in Kabul, even though many have established de facto relationships.

There is general acceptance all over the world that the Taliban are in full control of Afghanistan. Several countries, most recently Russia, have taken a decision to delist the Taliban as a terrorist organisation. Indeed, if there is a problem of terrorism in Afghanistan, it is coming from the Islamic State (IS), which views the Taliban as its enemy. 

A Step Forward with Modi But China Has Moved Ahead

Modi seems to be well aware of this. This is evident from India’s growing diplomatic contacts with the Taliban government. Most recently, on 27 April, M Anand Prakash, who succeeded Singh, met Muttaqi in the Afghan capital. The Pahalgam terror attack, which had taken place five days earlier, must have surely figured in their talks.

Despite these welcome moves, India is nowhere close to matching the depth, breadth and velocity of China’s engagement with Afghanistan. China also has a full-fledged ambassador in Kabul. There is no Afghan ambassador in New Delhi and no Indian ambassador in Kabul.

Even though Afghanistan’s historical ties with India are stronger than with China, today Beijing is far more for active in rebuilding Afghanistan’s war-torn economy. China-Afghan trade is booming. Several thousand Afghan traders are based in Chinese cities, especially in the bustling international trade city of Yiwu. Thousands of Chinese can be seen in Kabul and Herat, Afghanistan’s commercial hub near Iran border.

One of the most important initiatives the Taliban government has taken up with its own resources is the construction of a highway along the narrow Wakhan Corridor, which connects Afghanistan to China’s Xinjiang region. This direct connectivity will give a big boost to China-Afghanistan economic ties.

China can connect this corridor with the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which is a part of its ambitious Belt and Road Initiative. China is also building a new, multi-billion-dollar railway line to Europe through Kyrgyzstan and neighbouring Uzbekistan. On 9 April 2025, Russia announced implementation of the Trans-Afghan Railway.

While these projects will give both Pakistan and Afghanistan access to the vast landmass of Central Asian countries, they will also give the latter (all of them being land-locked) access to the Pakistani port Gwadar on the Indian Ocean.

In contrast, India has been slow-footed in joining much-needed connectivity projects in this part of our extended western neighbhourhood.

In recent years, as part of our ‘Act East’ policy, India has begun to expand connectivity in the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) region. This is a welcome initiative. However, India has not developed an equally important ‘Act West’ strategy for land connectivity with Pakistan, Afghanistan, Central Asian countries, and western China.

In May last year, India signed a 10-year contract with Tehran to develop and operate the port of Chabahar, on Iran's south-eastern coast along the Gulf of Oman.

This provides connectivity to Iran, Afghanistan, and central Asian countries, bypassing the port of Karachi and Gwadar. India should expedite the completion of this crucial project. However, it must be recognised that Chabahar cannot be an effective substitute to direct land connectivity between India and Afghanistan.

‘Saudi Arabia of Mineral Wealth’, Unmined Tourism Gem

India, unlike China, has also been slow in cooperating with Afghanistan in harnessing the latter’s enormous energy and mineral resources. 

Afghanistan is so rich in minerals, estimated at over $1 trillion, that it is known as the “Saudi Arabia of minerals”, with a (largely untapped) bounty of mineral resources, estimated at over $1 trillion.

Possessing the world's largest lithium reserves, it is also rich in elements such as lanthanum, cerium and neodymium, and precious gemstones, including lapis lazuli, emeralds, and rubies. It also sits on natural gas reserves amounting to 15 trillion cubic meters and enormous deposits of industrial metals such as copper, high-grade iron ore, gold, aluminium, bauxite, and cobalt. The Mes Aynak mine near Kabul contains the world's second-largest copper deposit.

Although the US, EU, Qatar, Turkey, Iran, Russia, and the UK are trying to secure mineral extraction contracts, China has emerged as a dominant player. India is lagging behind. 

India’s government-run and private sector companies should participate in Afghanistan’s infrastructure development, industrialisation, modernisation of agriculture and services in non-exploitative and win-win ways in collaboration with Afghan entrepreneurs. 

Tourism can be another sector of bilateral cooperation.

During an insightful conversation with an Afghan diplomat, I told him of my plans to revisit Afghanistan soon and asked, "Which places do you recommend I should visit?” He replied, “Apart from other places, why don’t you also visit Bamiyan?”  Surprised, I asked, “Bamiyan? But that’s the place where the Taliban destroyed the historic statue of the Buddha in 2001. What do the Taliban think of that action now?” 

His reply astounded me:

“Many Taliban leaders think it was a mistake. The Buddha statues are a part of our heritage.”  

Civilisational Responsibility

Nothing remains the same in human history. Fortunes of nations change ─ especially those nations that are determined to change their destiny.  

Over thirty years ago, Rwanda in Africa witnessed one of the worst genocides in modern times. Today, it is a dynamically progressing nation, with an ambition to become the “Singapore of Africa”.

Vietnam was devastated by the war inflicted by America. Today, it is an Asian powerhouse in hi-tech manufacturing.

China experienced utter chaos during the ‘Cultural Revolution’. Today, it is the world’s second-largest economy. 

I see Afghanistan at a similar starting point of self-transformation. By the middle of this century, it has the potential to emerge as an ‘Asian Miracle’. 

An Afghan source in India, who requested anonymity, told me: “If Afghanistan enjoys peace, stability and regional cooperation for the next 20-30 years, we will become a highly prosperous nation. For this reason, we want to develop good relations with India.”  

India indeed has a responsibility to help our civilisational neighbour in this transformation. We Indians must first remember that Afghanistan has emerged from hell. Few people in the world in recent decades have witnessed as much death and destruction, and suffered as many hardships, as our Afghan brethren. 

Even though India is the largest country in the region, we could not stop the barbarity and bloodshed when Soviet tanks and American bombs ravaged Afghanistan. At least now, when India is much more prosperous, and when peace has returned to the land of our age-old friend, we should become a major partner in Afghanistan’s national reconstruction.

The Taliban also have a responsibility. In order to convince its neighbours, and countries around the world, it must commit to showing greater respect for the plural and multi-ethnic character of Afghan society.

It must prevent repetition of bloody intra-Afghan rivalries which brought chaos to the country and enabled foreign forces (especially Pakistan) to interfere with evil their designs

It must adopt an inclusive policy toward all patriotic sections of the socio-political establishment.

It must, (and this is significant) reform its orthodox attitudes towards women, the strongest protectors of Afghanistan’s fine cultural and spiritual heritage. It must commit to equality and dignity of women in both domestic and public/political spaces.

As the new rulers of Afghanistan, Taliban's focus should solely be on national unity, peace-building, good governance and national development. 

Both Indian and Afghan leaders need to asses and capitalise on the potential areas for India-Afghan ties in the education, healthcare, nutrition, philanthropy and sports sectors.

People-to-People Connect

To sum up, it is time for a new chapter of India-Afghanistan relations to begin. The most defining way to achieve that would be by Prime Minister Narendra Modi inviting a delegation of top Taliban leaders to meet him in New Delhi, followed by his own visit to Kabul.

To take India-Afghanistan ties to a qualitatively higher level, it is necessary to formalise diplomatic ties soon with the appointment of full-fledged ambassadors in New Delhi and Kabul.  

The Taliban diplomats I have met attach great importance to enhancing people-to-people interactions between India and Afghanistan. 

"There are hardly any meetings between high-ranking Indian and Afghan politicians. They should meet frequently. There should also be regular exchanges between, scholars, journalists, socio-cultural leaders and captains of business and industry. Through regular exchange of journalists, India should show positive aspects of Afghanistan on its TV and digital channels. Likewise, our media can promote India’s positive projection in Afghanistan. Dialogue is the best way to understand one another."

An Afghan diplomat

Taliban leader Shaheen told me: “We welcome Indian companies to build hospitals in our country, either on their own or through joint ventures. We also welcome Indian professors to come and teach at Kabul University and other universities.” 

In a positive development, in November last year, the Indian government accepted Kabul’s request to appoint Dr Ikramuddin Kamil as Afghanistan’s consul general in Mumbai.

Peace and Geopolitics

A final thought... Be it ‘Operation Sindoor’ or the tragic history of conflicts in and around Afghanistan, they call upon all the people in the region to do honest introspection. Religious extremism, terrorism, jingoism and militarism are taking an unbearably heavy toll.  Therefore, peace and cooperation between India and Pakistan on the one hand, and between Pakistan and Afghanistan on the other, is the foremost need of our troubled part of the world.

Is there a South Asian personality who best symbolises the essential unity of our three countries? Yes, there is. He is Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (1890-1988), also known as ‘Frontier Gandhi’.

The most respected Pashtun leader in the modern era because of his uncompromising advocacy of non-violence, he became a towering figure in India’s freedom movement. He was born, and breathed his last, in an area that today lies in Pakistan. But he chose to be buried in Jalalabad in Afghanistan. A devout Muslim, he was a spirited advocate of Hindu–Muslim unity and India-Pakistan-Afghanistan amity. May the dreams of people like Badshah Khan lead South Asia to a better future. 

(The writer as an aide to India’s former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee. He tweets @SudheenKulkarni and welcomes comments at [e-mail]. This is an opinion piece and the views expressed are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for them.)