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For the 11th time in its history, Manipur is once again under President’s Rule, after months of political turmoil, ethnic violence, and a governance crisis that saw Chief Minister N Biren Singh step down under mounting pressure.
The imposition of President’s Rule, under Article 356 of the Indian Constitution, is being presented as a solution to Manipur’s deteriorating law and order situation. However, history suggests otherwise. The last instance of President’s Rule in Manipur lasted for 277 days between 2001 and 2002 — and yet, the core political and ethnic fault lines remained unaddressed.
The Congress and the Left have outrightly condemned President’s Rule as a means to evade accountability, demanding fresh elections instead. Meanwhile, Kuki-Zomi leaders cautiously welcome it, but they see it only as a temporary measure, not a path to lasting peace.
For months, the demand for Biren Singh’s resignation grew louder, and yet, when it finally happened, there was no clear sense of resolution. The BJP, despite holding an electoral majority in Manipur, was forced to impose President’s Rule on itself — a rare admission of failure, yet one carefully orchestrated to maintain control while appearing to step back.
With Singh gone, the BJP has bought itself time — but time for what? After 21 months of ethnic violence, political instability, and governance paralysis, President’s Rule is being presented as a solution, but is it anything more than a desperate delay?
They have skirted around Biren Singh’s resignation, dodging a deeper reckoning with the systemic failures that led to this crisis in the first place. The very fact that President’s Rule was imposed not due to a loss of mandate but because the BJP couldn’t settle its own internal conflicts, should be a cause for concern.
Meanwhile, the Kuki-Zomi leadership is watching closely. Will President’s Rule lead to a neutral administrative framework, or will it be wielded to reinforce the BJP’s existing policies? If it results in intensified crackdowns, particularly in Kangpokpi and Lamka, where resistance against the BJP has been strongest, then the message will be clear — this is not governance, but retribution in disguise.
At the same time, one cannot ignore the BJP’s challenge — governing Manipur requires navigating a deeply divided state where ethnic tensions, political loyalties, and national interests collide.
Elders who have lived through multiple instances of PR in Manipur recall the pattern all too well.
President’s Rule is an unknown variable for younger generations, a disruption with uncertain consequences. Lamnu, a college student in Lamka, expresses his frustration.
Among the common people, particularly women in conflict-hit villages, President’s Rule means another period of uncertainty. Thangpuii, a mother of four, fears what it might bring: "When President’s Rule comes, we are told to stay indoors, to be careful. But careful of what? If it is for the people, why do we feel more afraid?"
If it was truly a remedy, why has Manipur needed it so many times? The issue lies not in the mechanism itself but in the political establishment’s reluctance to engage with the deeper causes of instability. Ethnic grievances, disproportionate representation, economic exclusion, and the failure to build inclusive governance structures — these remain unaddressed every time President’s Rule is lifted, ensuring that instability returns.
Opposition voices, including the Congress and the CPI(M), have dismissed President’s Rule as a stopgap measure, calling for fresh elections instead. The BJP, too, must recognise the gravity of the situation.
If PR is only used to reinstate Singh’s policies under a different face, or if it results in a top-down authoritarian approach that further alienates marginalised communities, then the crisis will not only persist — it will deepen.
This is the core dilemma—President’s Rule can remove a leader, but it cannot dismantle a system that enables oppression, exclusion, and conflict. Without structural reforms, President’s Rule will not bring peace; it will only reset the countdown to the next eruption of violence.
So, as Manipur enters another cycle of uncertainty, the real question is not just what happens next but what has actually changed.
The path to a developed India is paved with the fate of its most vulnerable regions. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s promise to make India a global power will ring hollow as long as conflict and deprivation continue to define entire states.
Economic growth alone cannot define a nation’s rise; it must be matched by moral responsibility, inclusive governance, and a commitment to justice and reconciliation.
At the heart of this crisis lies an uncomfortable truth: India cannot claim to be a rising global power while parts of its own territory remain in turmoil, left to fester under short-term political calculations. If India is serious about its Act East Policy and economic ambitions in the Northeast, it must be equally committed to addressing the root causes of conflict and instability.
India cannot truly be a developed nation, while regions like Manipur remain trapped in violence, digital darkness, and political neglect. Until peace is restored in the Northeast, India’s aspirations of greatness will remain incomplete.
(Sangmuan Hangsing is a Public Policy student at the Kautilya School of Public Policy. This is an opinion piece, and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for them.)
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