advertisement
On Tuesday night, South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol sent shockwaves through the world by declaring martial law in the country.
Yoon’s opponents in the National Assembly immediately sought to mass at the legislature to block the decree. This led to a dramatic confrontation with soldiers over control of the building.
However, in the early hours of Wednesday, sufficient numbers of South Korean legislators gained entry to the chamber. Of the 300 members, 190 made it inside, which is far more than the 150 needed for the vote to take place. They unanimously voted down the president’s order at around 1am.
Meanwhile, around the legislature, Yoon’s opponents continued to gather in a tense standoff with military.
Martial law suspends key democratic freedoms, giving the military authority to exercise more powers in times of war or major threats to public safety.
A decree by Yoon’s newly empowered martial law commander, Army Chief of Staff General Park An-su, proclaimed:
"All political activities, including those related to the National Assembly, regional assemblies, political parties, the forming of political organisations, rallies and protests are banned."
This martial law decree also declared heavy restrictions on press freedom and an end to an ongoing strike by junior South Korean doctors.
Yoon justified the martial law by accusing his domestic political opponents of “anti-state activities plotting rebellion”.
He claims he was protecting the constitution from “pro North Korean forces”. This is a rhetorical label frequently applied by some South Korean conservatives to their liberal opponents.
The broader context to this decision is months of domestic political battles between the South Korean leader and the opposition-dominated National Assembly.
Yoon was elected with a very narrow majority in 2022. He’s subsequently seen a range of political corruption scandals, further depleting his support.
Recent polling indicates he only holds around 25% approval from the Korean public.
Tensions were particularly high around Yoon’s wife and South Korea’s first lady, Kim Keon-hee, whose behaviour Yoon publicly apologised for in early November after a series of embarrassing scandals involving alleged corruption.
Impeachment is definitely on the cards, particularly if South Koreans turn out in huge numbers over the coming weekend to demand an end to Yoon’s time in office.
Since transition to democratic rule in 1987, South Korea has made considerable progress in democratic consolidation, with a strong and engaged civil society.
At the same time, there is a long record of scandal, impeachment and even alleged criminality among Korea’s democratically elected presidents.
Most recently in 2017, former President Park Geun-hye’s term in office ended early after public protests and impeachment around an influence-peddling scandal.
Park was sentenced to a lengthy prison term for related crimes in 2018. She was pardoned by her successor in 2021.
On one hand, the successful opposition to Yoon’s martial law decree has demonstrated the democratic resilience of South Korea’s institutions and political culture.
Opponents of martial law included the head of Yoon’s conservative People Power Party, Han Dong-hoon, who denounced the president’s decree as “wrong” and promised he would “stop it with the people”.
This is the first time martial law has been declared in South Korea in its modern democratic era.
Immediate economic damage to the country’s currency and markets may bounce back, but the country’s hard-won international reputation as a stable and mature democracy could take a sustained hit.
While the immediate constitutional crisis has now receded, the political crisis remains. Questions have already turned to Yoon’s future.
The main opposition Democratic Party has vowed to initiate a formal impeachment process against the much-weakened president unless he resigns immediately.
(This is an opinion piece and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article here.)
Published: undefined