Can Amit Shah Rely Only on Security Ops to Achieve 'Naxal-Mukt Bharat' by 2026?

Naxalism is rooted in poverty, caste bias & social injustice—until they are addressed, the Naxal movement won't end.

As the Union Home Ministry strengthens its resolve to eliminate Naxalism in India by March 2026—targeting Naxal bases and neutralising their leaders in Chhattisgarh, Telangana and Jharkhand—we examine if this is indeed the end of the Naxal movement in the country.

(Image: CRPF/The Quint/@AroopMishra)

In April and May, when India had targeted terror bases in Pakistan as part of Operation Sindoor, another security operation was intensifying deep inside the heart of India. This was Operation Black Forest.

In what the government touted as “the biggest-ever operation against Naxalism”, security forces killed 31 Maoists, including CPI (Maoist) General Secretary Nambala Keshava Rao, popularly known as Basavaraju.

Union Home Minister Amit Shah hailed the operation as a “landmark victory” and declared it a huge milestone in achieving a 'Naxal-Mukt Bharat' by March, 2026.

Throughout the history of the Naxal movement, starting from the Naxalbari Uprising in 1967, many such operations have been launched. But it has survived for over half a century since its inception.

In this video, we'll try and answer the following questions:

1. What was the impact of Operation Black Forest?

2. Is this the end of the Naxal movement?

3. Can a security-led crackdown truly achieve a ‘Naxal-Mukt Bharat’?

What is Operation Black Forest?

From 21 April to 11 May, thousands of security personnel carried out an operation in the Karreguttalu Hills (KGH) along the Chhattisgarh-Telangana border. It falls in Bijapur district of Chhattisgarh and Mulugu district in Telangana.

Karregutallu Hills are also known as the Black Forest as it is so dense that it is considered dark and impregnable. Spanning across 1200 sq km, it houses high hill ranges, valleys, ravines, and waterfalls. River Indravati flows through it.

The conditions and terrain of the area are so tough that many soldiers suffered dehydration during the operation.

Hyderabad-based journalist N Venugopal told The Quint, "Around 24,000 security personnel were deployed at KGH—15,000 District Reserve Guards and local police plus 9,000 Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) personnel, who were withdrawn after Operation Sindoor was launched. The remaining 15,000 are still combing through these forests."

According to a press statement released by the Union Home Ministry, the Chhattisgarh Police and Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) recovered the bodies of 31 uniformed Naxalites, including 16 women, and that they might belong to the banned People's Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) Battalion—known to be the military wing of the CPI (Maoist).

Did Operation Black Forest Dent the Naxal Movement? 

The home ministry also said that killed/injured several senior Naxal cadres during the Operation but their bodies could not be recovered “due to difficult geographical conditions.”

Venugopal claimed, "Of the 31 who have been killed, not more than 4-5 were weapon-wielding Maoists. Of the 500 or so Naxals killed in the last 17 months, at least half were ordinary Adivasis—some collected Tendu leaves, some were school students, and one of them a 6-month-old baby."

Meanwhile, Kishalay Bhattacharjee, a senior journalist covering armed conflict, said that though Naxalites were hit hard, there is no credible data on their true strength, spread and influence. And hence no way of finding out the extent of the damage caused to the movement. He added that the dreaded Battalion No 1 of PLGA remains at large.

Although the home ministry labelled Operation Black Forest a “historic success in the resolve of a Naxal-free India,” it isn’t the first such operation to have been conducted.   

How Naxals Have Survived Decades of Crackdown

Venugopal, who has closely observed the Naxal movement from the early 1970s, recalled, "It all started in 1967 with an uprising of landless Adivasi farmers in Naxalbari village in Siliguri district of West Bengal."

He shared a brief historical timeline of the Naxal movement since its inception in 1967—

Among the prominent leaders who gave the call for an armed rebellion during the Naxalbari uprising was Charu Mazumdar—who later founded the CPI(ML) in 1969.

In 1971, the Indira Gandhi-led government launched a covert military operation called Operation Steeplechase to dismantle Naxal strongholds in West Bengal.

In 1972, Charu Mazumdar died in police custody and the movement was wiped out from West Bengal. But it shifted to other states like Bihar (and present-day Jharkhand), Andhra Pradesh (and present-day Telangana) and Orissa (now Odisha).

Then came the Emergency from 1975-77.

In the late ‘80s Andhra Pradesh, then chief minister NT Rama Rao famously declared a prohibition on "aata, maata, paata (dance, speech, and song)" from 1985 to 1989 — an undeclared way of banning the Naxal movement.

"This was a time of ruthless suppression, when many writers and poets, including Varavara Rao, were jailed. But the movement didn't die," Venugopal told The Quint. He added that the crackdown continued till 2004 under the Chandrababu Naidu-led government in Andhra Pradesh.

In 2004, the crackdown was briefly paused when then Andhra CM Y S Rajasekhara Reddy (popularly known as YSR) lifted the ban on Naxal outfits, declared a ceasefire and invited them for peace talks. But the peace talks failed.

In February 2006, then Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh recognized Naxalism as a “problem”, which transformed into the "biggest internal security threat" by 2009.

Since then, many operations have been undertaken to target Maoists—Operation Green Hunt, Operation Prahaar, Operation Octopus, Operation Thunderstorm and more recently, Operation Kagar.   

But the Naxal movement has survived for 58 years. 

Why Does the Naxal Movement Continue to Survive?

Experts believe that Naxalism has thrived in places where the government couldn’t reach—either because of dense forests or difficult terrain. For instance, the Karreguttalu Hills, where Operation Black Forest was carried out.

Venugopal explained, "Abujmahd, where Basavaraju was killed, is made of two words Abuj and Mahd, where Abuj stands for “unknown.” And who is it unknown to? To the government."

If you see closely, Naxalites have found bases in mineral-rich areas—where on the one hand corporates are annexing more land for mining and on the other Adivasis are pushing them back to protect their ‘Jal, Jangal, Jameen’ and, in turn their way of life.

Kishalay recalled how numerous protests against mining companies were suspended after the BJP came to power in Chhattisgarh. The Amadi mines in 2023 and Silger in 2021 are examples. And how anyone protesting mining was labelled as a Maoist.

Meanwhile, Venugopal pointed out that in the last four months, three public sector mines in Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh have been leased out to ArcelorMittal and Rungta Steel

He claimed, "There’s certainly a link between opening the forests to corporates and the resolve to eliminate Naxalism."

The point is...as long as Adivasis and corporates clash over mineral wealth, and the government backs the corporates, the Naxal movement will continue to be relevant in these areas.

Are Security Ops the Only Way to 'Eliminate' Naxalism?

Venugopal asserted that the Naxal Movement is rooted in issues such as poverty, unemployment, caste atrocities and social injustice. Until these issues are addressed, the movement will continue.

"The government’s response is to build roads, bridges and camps. The Border Roads Organisation (BRO) has been engaged in constructing 4-6 lane roads in Naxal-affected areas. But Adivasis, who usually ride cycles or two wheelers, don’t need 6-lane roads. They see camps and roads as a coercive force to bring in the police and to take away their mineral wealth."

N Venugopal, Independent Journalist

Instead, Adivasis want education, livelihood opportunities and health centres, he said.

Security operations can’t alone eliminate Naxalism and this has been reiterated by judges and government officials over time.

In 1995, while hearing a case wherein CPI(ML) was charged under the stringent Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act or TADA, the Andhra Pradesh High Court had pressed for talks with locals to find a solution to Naxalism.

Again in 2007, the Bandopadhyaya Committee— a task force formed by the government—noted that it is "necessary to contextualize the tensions in terms of social, economic and political background and bring back on the agenda the issues of the people - the right to livelihood, the right to life and a dignified and honourable existence.

For now, Kishalay said that many Naxal leaders have fled after Operation Black Forest, leaving behind the Adivasis. The dreaded Battalion No 1 has splintered into subgroups headed in different directions— a pattern of the Maoist insurgency and a classical guerrilla tactic.